{"id":90486,"date":"2007-11-28T00:00:01","date_gmt":"2007-11-28T05:00:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/2007\/11\/28\/embedding\/"},"modified":"2024-04-14T04:16:26","modified_gmt":"2024-04-14T09:16:26","slug":"embedding","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/journalism\/2007\/11\/28\/embedding\/","title":{"rendered":"Embedding"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/figure>\n<\/p>\n\n

While the program has engendered controversy at home, particularly with those critical of the war or suspicious of the Administration, the journalists in Iraq who are in a position to use it generally view the system of embedding reporters with the U.S. military favorably. <\/p>\n\n

More than eight-in ten journalists (85%) surveyed have embedded with U.S. troops. And most of them see the program as the best available way to report on the actions, both large and small, of U.S. troops. It also is often the only safe way to gain access to Iraqi civilians in cities and towns beyond Baghdad. <\/p>\n\n

A majority of those surveyed (60%) tend to think embedding gives them access to places and people they could not otherwise reach. Only 5% say they see embedding as mostly helping the Pentagon control what is being reported. <\/p>\n\n

The rest, less than a third, (27%) have largely neutral views. <\/p>\n\n

\u201cThere is no problem with embedded reporting, unless it is relied on as the primary source of info on Iraq,\u201d wrote one bureau chief. \u201cIf used as it should be \u2013 to provide another layer of understanding of what\u2019s going on there \u2013 it is a very useful tool. And we have to remember that not every embed will produce strong stories.\u201d <\/p>\n\n

\u201cIt\u2019s the only real way to get out of the security bubble that we all reside in during stays in Baghdad,\u201d a newspaper correspondent volunteered. \u201cAnd yet it is wholly limited by what the U.S. military will make happen. Double-edged journalistic sword if ever there was one.\u201d <\/p>\n\n

When asked to volunteer what they see as the advantages and disadvantages of the program, journalists cited access to dangerous places and insight into the life of soldiers as the top advantages. <\/p>\n\n

And they saw restrictions and lack of context and perspective as the limitations. But the bargain, in short, seems worth it. <\/p>\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n<\/p>\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n<\/p>\n\n

\u00a0 <\/p>\n\n

The rules for embedding vary by commander and the circumstances of the day. Most journalists (62%) have not needed officers\u2019 permission to interview individual soldiers, but a substantial number (35%) say they did. Most (59%) have not needed permission to take photographs but, again, many (40%) did. If it is a matter of photographing wounded soldiers, the rules tighten: most journalists (67%) have needed permission in those circumstances. <\/p>\n\n

Having officers monitor conversations or review a story before publication is rare. A small number of journalists surveyed (4%) say they have encountered those restrictions. A handful of those surveyed offered anecdotes of military public affairs officers listening in on their interviews with soldiers. <\/p>\n\n

More of a mystery for journalists is whether the U.S. military screens out reporters from the embedding program if they have previously written stories that were critical about the Administration\u2019s or the military\u2019s policies. <\/p>\n\n

About half of the journalists (49%) say they don\u2019t know or can\u2019t say. Roughly a third (33%) of those surveyed say that such screening takes place. A smaller number (10%) say it does not. <\/p>\n\n

Journalists did describe embedding relationships that have gone awry. \u201cI was kicked off my embed when a new unit I was to go out with suffered its first casualties,\u201d one newspaper correspondent wrote, describing one of the most extreme situations recounted by the journalists. \u201cI was locked in a room for hours and then told I was no longer welcome with unit.\u201d <\/p>\n\n

Another reporter describes being warned by a military public affairs officer that he would be banned from future embeds if took a photo of guards at Abu Ghraib prison roughing up a detainee. Several reporters describe having greater freedom when embedded at the platoon level; when embedded with senior officers, there is \u201calmost none.\u201d <\/p>\n\n

\u201cLimitations are obvious,\u201d a newspaper journalist wrote. \u201cYou go where they want you to go, embed with whom they allow you to embed. And they do always \u2018spin\u2019 (or the officers do). Advantages are it\u2019s the best or only way to reach \u2018real\u2019 Iraqis in their homes.\u201d <\/p>\n\n

The contacts with Iraqis may be the most unanticipated benefit, even if the presence of the soldiers affects the reporting.\u00a0 \u201cIf you speak Arabic it enables you to interact directly with Iraqis in areas that you cannot reach,\u201d wrote another newspaper correspondent. \u201cThose Iraqis you come into contact with act far differently \u2013 and less candidly \u2013 when U.S. troops are around,\u201d another offered. <\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

While the program has engendered controversy at home, particularly with those critical of the war or suspicious of the Administration, the journalists in Iraq who are in a position to use it generally view the system of embedding reporters with the U.S. military favorably. More than eight-in ten journalists (85%) surveyed have embedded with U.S. 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