{"id":88236,"date":"2016-07-18T10:51:29","date_gmt":"2016-07-18T15:51:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/2016\/07\/18\/presidential-candidates-changing-relationship-with-the-web\/"},"modified":"2024-04-14T04:11:47","modified_gmt":"2024-04-14T09:11:47","slug":"presidential-candidates-changing-relationship-with-the-web","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/journalism\/2016\/07\/18\/presidential-candidates-changing-relationship-with-the-web\/","title":{"rendered":"1. Presidential candidates\u2019 changing relationship with the web"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n\n

In 2016, presidential campaigns still deploy and maintain websites as a way of communicating with and mobilizing voters. But as campaigns increasingly prioritize social media outreach<\/a>, the role of campaign websites has changed \u2013 and in some cases narrowed.<\/p>\n\n

A new Pew Research Center study of the campaign websites of Democratic presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders and Republican Donald Trump finds that Clinton\u2019s website oriented around original news content, while Trump mostly posted stories from outside news media, and Sanders was somewhere in between.[1. Other Republican candidates suspended their campaigns shortly after the data collection period began, leaving too little material to study and therefore they were not included in this analysis.]\u00a0In addition to news updates, the three candidates also published some static content, particularly statements on their policy positions (in Trump\u2019s case, many were delivered in video form).<\/p>\n\n

Gone are some of the features that in 2012 gave people a place to comment or express opinions on the campaign websites. For Clinton in particular, message control extended to the news items produced: Her campaign has almost entirely bypassed the news media in terms of web content, instead emphasizing news produced in-house, similar to Obama\u2019s approach in 2012 (though a number of her news updates did contain links to outside news media).<\/p>\n\n

Another stark difference compared with the previous two election cycles is the absence of specific areas on their websites aimed at different social and demographic groups such as seniors, African Americans or rural Americans. In 2012, visitors to Obama\u2019s website were offered opportunities to join 18 different constituency groups, among them African-Americans, women, the LGBT community, Latinos, veterans\/military families or young Americans, with content targeted to each constituency. The Romney campaign featured a communities section that by early August 2012 featured nine groups with specialized content. In 2016, none of the three websites studied have a dedicated page or customized content for these kinds of voter groups.<\/p>\n\n

This analysis is part of a larger study<\/a> by Pew Research Center of the news and information that campaigns directly communicate to voters, which is also the third in a series of reports on presidential candidates\u2019 digital footprints. This exploration of campaign websites, along with those of the 2012<\/a> and 2008<\/a> major party candidates, offers something of a time capsule, reflecting the political priorities and digital communication strategies of the moment.<\/p>\n\n

This analysis is focused on the static features of each candidate\u2019s website, between the weeks of May 1 and June 15, 2016, a period in the campaign when Trump became the presumptive Republican nominee and Clinton gained momentum over Sanders in her quest to secure the nomination.[2. The time period studied in the 2008 report was Aug. 6-Sept. 9, and in 2012, it was June 4-17.]\u00a0More details on the methodology for this report can be found here<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n

Candidates differ in the news they offer and the orientation of their sites<\/h3>\n\n

Candidate websites have, in four years\u2019 time, become somewhat leaner. Hillary Clinton\u2019s site averaged two original posts per day during the time period studied (though if Spanish translations of the English-language posts were counted, that number would rise to three), while Bernie Sanders\u2019 and Donald Trump\u2019s sites each averaged three original posts per day.\u00a0Frequent blog posts helped boost the average number of posts per day in 2012 to eight for Obama\u2019s website and four for Mitt Romney\u2019s<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n

Clinton\u2019s site offers two main sections for news updates related to her campaign: \u201cThe Feed\u201d and \u201cThe Briefing,\u201d both of which mimic the look and feel of a digital news publisher, complete with professional styling and, in the case of The Feed, bylines. All of the content appears to be original and produced in-house; it consists of text-driven articles, some with videos embedded, but few traditional press releases.[3. The news feed posts on Clinton\u2019s site were bylined, though no information was found on the site about the identities of the authors.] The site connects with its Spanish-speaking audience by providing translations of English-language posts in The Feed. During this period, 20 Spanish-language posts were found, the vast majority of which were translations of English-language news items. There is no section on the site for links to external news articles \u2013 a choice also made by the Obama campaign in 2012.<\/p>\n\n

Trump\u2019s site offers much less original news content than Clinton\u2019s. What is there mostly consists of press releases found in a dropdown menu of the site\u2019s \u201cMedia\u201d tab. During the time period studied, no Spanish content was identified among the news items posted by the Trump campaign. The same menu offers another section full of links and excerpts from articles produced by outside sources such as Fox News or CNN, content that forms the majority of the news material offered by the site. The Trump site does offer video content, but these videos largely appear in sections devoted to the candidate\u2019s policy positions and produced as more evergreen pieces, which are not part of the purview of the news analysis here. Some videos on the Trump site are clips from outside news organizations and appear under the Media tab.[4. Each of the three candidates offer a section on their websites explaining their policy positions and platforms. These were not included in the accounting of total news updates appearing on the sites.]<\/p>\n\n

Sanders\u2019 site contains elements that overlap with both Clinton\u2019s and Trump\u2019s sites. \u201cDemocracy Daily\u201d is a repository for news articles from outside news organizations that highlight issues or the campaign. The \u201cNews\u201d section contains both press releases and original posts that give updates from the field, though these sections were not as frequently updated as on Clinton\u2019s site during the time period studied here. Some of these posts, as with Clinton\u2019s site, are multimedia, while there were also three Spanish translations of news items.<\/p>\n\n

A tightly controlled platform<\/h3>\n\n

One aspect of campaign websites that has fluctuated in recent election cycles is the balance between a tightly controlled message and public participation. In 2016, the emphasis of all campaigns is clearly on the message, especially when it comes to news content.<\/p>\n\n

Unlike previous cycles, none of the sites offer the user the option to create a personal fundraising page. In addition, candidates\u2019 news verticals did not have comment sections.<\/p>\n\n

When it comes to other kinds of public engagement, Sanders stood out for offering certain options on his website for people to become involved in the campaign, both in online and offline ways. Visitors to the Sanders website can find out how to make calls on behalf of the candidate with customized scripts. The site also provides pre-scripted tweets on behalf of the candidate. For Clinton and Trump, voter engagement is mostly limited to email and volunteer list sign-ups and requests for donations and, in Clinton\u2019s case, the opportunity to host events \u2013 which the Sanders site offers as well.<\/p>\n\n

\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n\n

The relatively static nature of these website designs may reflect the idea that social media platforms have become the new place for more interactive engagement with citizens (though the Center\u2019s separate analysis of candidates\u2019 social media activity<\/a> suggests this is not entirely the case). Nevertheless, aside from some links to social sites, website visitors do not get much of a window into what candidates are saying on social media. While the websites of all three candidates studied here link to their social media feeds (these include Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and now Instagram for each, with the addition of Pinterest for Clinton and Tumblr for Sanders), neither Clinton nor Sanders includes any of their live social feeds on their websites. Trump, on the other hand, displays his live Twitter feed in a widget on his homepage.<\/p>\n\n

One hallmark of campaign websites in 2012 and 2008 was outreach to voter affinity groups, with offerings of customizable information and ways to connect with people of similar backgrounds or interests. In 2012, Obama\u2019s campaign offered opportunities to join 18 different constituency groups, while visitors to Romney\u2019s website could choose from nine different voter group pages. In 2008, both candidates offered roughly 20 such dedicated pages. In 2016, this feature is no longer present. None of the three websites featured any distinct section addressing specific voting groups or segments of the population. There are still \u201cissue\u201d pages \u2013 pages dedicated to the candidates\u2019 position on certain issues, which were also present in earlier years. Trump\u2019s site, for example, includes pages that explain his position on Veterans Administration reforms and Second Amendment rights; Sanders has pages about his views on native Hawaiians\u2019 rights and women\u2019s rights; while Clinton does for workers\u2019 rights and LGBT rights. These allow a visitor to learn a candidate\u2019s current views on a policy or group-related issue but do not allow for a way to identify with the candidate or connect with other supporters.<\/p>\n\n

One type of customization all three campaigns offer their visitors is at the state level, though this feature has been in flux. Clinton\u2019s state-level pages \u2013 aimed at battleground and primary states at the time of the study\u2019s field period, but since expanded to include all 50 states and the District of Columbia \u2013 mainly offers individuals the opportunity to sign up to volunteer. The 50 state pages (as well as the District of Columbia and U.S. territories) on the Sanders campaign site feature information about voting in each state\u2019s primaries and caucuses, including the type of primary, ID requirements and early voting dates. At the time of analysis, Trump\u2019s site offered a customized option for 37 states. However, the link to this feature was later removed from the homepage.<\/p>\n\n

\"\"<\/a><\/figure>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In 2016, presidential campaigns still deploy and maintain websites as a way of communicating with and mobilizing voters. But as campaigns increasingly prioritize social media outreach, the role of campaign websites has changed \u2013 and in some cases narrowed. 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