![\"\"](\"https:\/\/assets.pewresearch.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5\/legacy\/478-1.gif\")
<\/figure>\n<\/p>\n\nSoon, economic troubles started to mount, and in 2008, the economy went into a dangerous free fall that led to controversial and expensive government intervention in financial markets. The president\u2019s approval ratings slid over time to historic lows. His approval last hit 50% as he started his second term. It stood at just 24% in early December.<\/p>\n\n
Not surprisingly, the public\u2019s verdict on the Bush presidency is overwhelmingly negative. In a December 2008 Pew Research Center survey, just 11% said Bush will be remembered as an outstanding or above average president \u2013 by far the lowest positive end-of-term rating for any of the past four presidents. Yet Bush\u2019s impact on public opinion over the past eight years is seen in ways that go well beyond his personal unpopularity.<\/p>\n\n
He helped shape the post-9\/11 climate of opinion that was broadly accepting of a muscular approach to U.S. national security. And even after much of the public came to oppose the war in Iraq, there continued to be considerable support for the Bush doctrine of preemptive military action. In spite of the public\u2019s shock over pictures of abuse of detainees at the U.S.-run Abu Ghraib prison, nearly half of Americans consistently said that the torture of terrorists to gain key information was at least sometimes justified.<\/p>\n\n In the final year of his presidency, even as his approval rating steadily declined to historic lows, most Americans continued to say Bush\u2019s anti-terror policies deserve at least a fair amount of credit for preventing more terror attacks.<\/p>\n\n In his first term, Bush scored several early legislative successes on domestic issues \u2013 such as the No Child Left Behind education reform, two rounds of tax cuts and the launch of a significant Medicare drug plan.<\/p>\n\n But after those successes, the instances when Bush was able to mobilize \u2013 and maintain \u2013 public support for his agenda were rare. Even in the realm of national security, the public increasingly rejected the idea that a large military presence overseas would reduce the threat of terror at home.<\/p>\n\n Public backing for what was to have been Bush\u2019s signature second-term achievement \u2013 reforming the Social<\/p>\n\n Security system \u2013 withered within months of his reelection. His immigration reform proposal faced opposition within his own party, even though it was an issue \u2013 like Social Security \u2013 where Americans recognized major change was needed.<\/p>\n\n What might have damaged Bush\u2019s legacy most was his administration\u2019s mixed record of competent governance. Between Iraq, the government\u2019s flawed relief effort in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, and more minor missteps over the Dubai ports issue and other matters, the government \u201cbrand\u201d deteriorated badly during the Bush years. In late April 2008, just 37% expressed a favorable view of the federal government, about half of the percentage of five years earlier (73%).<\/p>\n\n In a Pew survey conducted Dec. 3-7 among 1,489 adults, the American public paints a harshly negative picture of Bush\u2019s tenure. Nearly two-thirds (64%) say his administration will be <\/p>\n\n remembered more for its failures than its accomplishments, and a plurality (34%) says Bush will go down in history as a poor president. Fully 68% say they disapprove of Bush\u2019s performance and most of those \u2013 53% of the public \u2013 say they disapprove strongly. That is the highest rate of strong disapproval measured by Pew surveys in Bush\u2019s eight years in office.<\/p>\n\n As his second term ends, only 13% say Bush has made progress toward solving the major issues facing the country; 37% say he has made those problems worse and 34% say he has tried but failed in his efforts. Another 11% say he has not addressed the major problems facing the country.<\/p>\n\n More than three times as many people say Bush will go down in history as a poor president (34%) than said the same of Bill Clinton at the end of his presidency (11%). About a quarter (24%) say Bush will be seen as below average and close to three-in-ten (28%) say he will be seen as average. Just 11% say he will go down in history as above average or outstanding.<\/p>\n\n Not surprisingly, the most critical assessments come from Democrats. More than half (53%) say Bush will go down in history as a poor president, while 25% say he will be remembered as below average. More than four-in-ten Republicans (44%) say he will be remembered as an average president; 21% say below average and 6% say poor. Two-in-ten say he will be remembered as above average, while 7% say outstanding.<\/p>\n\n Americans by a wide margin (64% to 24%) also say that in the long run the failures of the Bush administration will outweigh its accomplishments. The assessment of Clinton in 2001, despite controversy over how he had conducted himself in office, was virtually a mirror image. Six-in-ten said the accomplishments would outweigh the failures, and 27% said the failures would outweigh the accomplishments.<\/p>\n\n Just over half (52%) of Republicans say the Bush administration will be best known for its accomplishments. That number is significantly smaller for independents (20%) and Democrats (8%). When Clinton was leaving office, his own party (77%) and independents (60%) were much more convinced he would be remembered for his accomplishments.<\/p>\n\n Between the start of his second term and December 2008, Bush\u2019s approval rating dropped from 50% to 24%, a level that rivals the historic lows recorded by Gallup for Harry S Truman as he left office in 1952. Declines came across demographic and political groups, though significant divides still exist among those with differing political ideologies.<\/p>\n\n Approval among moderate and liberal Republicans saw one of the sharpest drops \u2013 from 82% to 50%. Conservative Republican approval dropped from 94% to 66%. Independent approval started at below half in 2005 \u2013 47% \u2013 but dropped to 18% by December 2008. The change among Democratic groups, already highly critical of Bush, proved less dramatic. Approval among conservative and moderate Democrats dropped from 22% t\no 8%, while approval among liberal Democrats dropped from 7% to 2%.<\/p>\n\n Bush\u2019s approval dropped significantly among all education levels. In terms of age groups, the largest decline came among the youngest voters \u2013 those age 18-29. Within that group, approval dropped from 50% to 19%. The oldest group \u2013 age 65 and up \u2013 experienced a smaller decline, dropping from 47% to 26%.<\/p>\n\n When people are asked what they think Bush will be most remembered for after he leaves office, the most frequent responses volunteered are tied to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the fight against terrorism. More than half (51%) of responses mention facets of the Global War on Terror, with close to three-in-ten (29%) specifically mentioning Iraq.<\/p>\n\n About 17% include specific negative assessments of Bush and his performance. Small percentages within that group refer to his competence (2%), his negative impact on the country (2%) or label him the \u201cworst president\u201d (2%). Another 13% refer to the impact of the Sept. 11 terror attacks, with 9% mentioning the attacks specifically and 3% noting that Bush had kept the country safe from major attack since that day. Another 12% mentions economic issues, including 7% who refer to the economy specifically, 4% who mention the current crisis and 3% referring to the recession. Another 4% offer positive assessments of Bush\u2019s performance in office.<\/p>\n\n Meanwhile, concerns about Bush’s effectiveness are also seen in the one-word answers people give to describe their impressions of the president. In mid-2005, positive one-word descriptions outnumbered negative ones, but in more recent lists, the responses have been more negative. The most frequently mentioned description in the latest survey was \u201cincompetent,\u201d just as it was in February 2007 and March 2006. Many of the terms offered by respondents in the December 2008 survey are negative, though the second most frequently mentioned description was honest. Good and honorable also make the list.<\/p>\n\n On the foreign stage, a solid majority of Americans say the country is significantly less respected than in the past \u2013 and many of those people see that as a major problem. Many Americans are eager to turn inward to deal with this nation\u2019s problems: fully 60% said in September 2008 that domestic policy should be the primary focus of the new president. And a greater percentage than before the Iraq war now say the best way to reduce the threat of terror is to reduce America\u2019s military presence overseas, not increase it.<\/p>\n\n Meanwhile, a 2008 survey by the Pew Global Attitudes Project showed that majorities in 19 of the 24 nations \u2013 including several strong U.S. allies \u2013 had little confidence in Bush as he neared the end of his presidency. A 2007 survey of 45 nations found anti-American sentiment extensive as well as increasing disapproval for key elements of U.S. foreign policy.<\/p>\n\n And the image of the U.S. in the Muslim world remained abysmal. Iraq, the war on terrorism and American support for Israel continued to generate animosity in the Middle East, Asia and elsewhere. In many nations considered central to the war on terror, the general public deeply distrusted the United States. Even in countries like Kuwait that have long been considered relatively pro-American, the U.S. image had declined.<\/p>\n\n Among the few bright spots for Bush in the Global Attitudes surveys were the African nations that had benefited from administration programs to boost economic growth and reduce the spread of AIDS. In 2008, majorities in Tanzania and Nigeria expressed confidence in the president.<\/p>\n\n Still, Bush has had some success at home building support for tough tactics \u2013 including harsh interrogation policies for foreign detainees and government monitoring of phone calls or e-mails without warrants \u2013 to gather information about possible terrorists and stop potential attacks. On balance, more Americans say they worry that anti-terror policies have not gone far enough in protecting the United States than say they feel the anti-terror policies have \u201cgone too far in restricting civil liberties.\u201d<\/p>\n\n When Bush took office, Republicans controlled both Congress and the White House. But voter party preferences shifted significantly during Bush\u2019s second term as missteps, bad news and scandals took their toll on Bush and GOP congressional leaders. In the 2006 midterm elections, more independents and moderates aligned themselves with the party out of power and Democrats took control of the House and the Senate.<\/p>\n\n In 2008, Bush was barely seen during the presidential campaign. Both Barack Obama and John McCain persistently criticized his administration, vowing to bring \u201cchange\u201d to Washington. Obama\u2019s significant win and additional Democratic gains in Congress signaled a continuing decline of the Republican Party under Bush.<\/p>\n\n In surveys conducted in the fall of 2008, 51% of all voters said they thought of themselves as Democrats or leaned toward the Democratic Party. That was up five points from 46% during the same period in 2004. Meanwhile, the number identifying with or leaning toward the Republican Party fell from 45% to 41%.<\/p>\n\n The greatest gains came among younger voters. Only among voters age 65 and older did the percentage identifying with the Democratic Party decrease \u2013 from 49% in 2004 to 47% in 2008. The percentage of voters age 18 to 29 identifying with the Democratic Party increased from 48% in the fall of 2004 to 61% in the fall of 2008. Democrats now outnumber Republicans by a margin of nearly two-to-one (61% to 32%) in this age group, up from only a seven-point advantage in 2004.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Overview: Bush and Public Opinion As George W. Bush prepares to leave the White House, the United States is in many ways dramatically different from when he took the oath of office in 2001. His first few months as president were largely unremarkable, despite the contentious 2000 election. But the horrific terror attacks of Sept. 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<\/figure>\n\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/assets.pewresearch.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5\/legacy\/478-3.gif\")
<\/figure>\n\nFinal Judgments<\/h3>\n\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/assets.pewresearch.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5\/legacy\/478-4.gif\")
<\/figure>\n\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/assets.pewresearch.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5\/legacy\/478-5.gif\")
<\/figure>\n\nSecond Term Approval Slide<\/h3>\n\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/assets.pewresearch.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5\/legacy\/478-6.gif\")
<\/figure>\n\nA Legacy of War<\/h3>\n\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/assets.pewresearch.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/5\/legacy\/478-7.gif\")
<\/figure>\n\nThe Global Outlook<\/h3>\n\n
The Political Legacy<\/h3>\n\n