{"id":29740,"date":"2015-09-17T09:50:52","date_gmt":"2015-09-17T14:50:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/2015\/09\/17\/1-the-modi-phenomenon\/"},"modified":"2024-04-14T00:10:25","modified_gmt":"2024-04-14T05:10:25","slug":"1-the-modi-phenomenon","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/global\/2015\/09\/17\/1-the-modi-phenomenon\/","title":{"rendered":"1. The Modi Phenomenon"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"Modi<\/a><\/figure>\n\n

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is, by far, India\u2019s most popular political figure. And the intensity of his support is much stronger than that enjoyed by other leading politicians. He enjoys robust backing among both his own party members and adherents of the opposition, and in rural areas as well as in cities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n

Modi is popular across the demographic spectrum \u2013 to both men and women, and among all age groups, educational backgrounds and income levels. As might be expected, 94% of BJP followers support the leader of their party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n

Those who are satisfied with the direction of the country are more likely to have a lot of confidence in Modi than those who are dissatisfied with the country\u2019s direction. And Indians who view the current economic situation as very<\/em> good are more likely to have a lot of confidence in Modi than those who think the current economic situation is only somewhat good.<\/p>\n\n

\"Modi<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n\n

Not surprisingly, 77% of Congress party members are favorably disposed toward Gandhi. But it is notable that 60% of BJP backers also see him in a positive light.<\/p>\n\n

About two-thirds of Indians living in rural areas (66%) have an affirmative view of Gandhi, possibly reflecting the long-standing rural base of the Congress party. Roughly half of urban dwellers (53%) express a favorable opinion of him. And Indians with a primary school education or less (63%) are more supportive than those with at least some college education (54%).<\/p>\n\n

Gandhi\u2019s mother, Sonia Gandhi \u2013 president of the Congress party \u2013 is seen favorably by 58% of those surveyed. Her positive rating is up 9 points since 2013. But only 21% voice a very<\/em> favorable view of Sonia Gandhi. As with her son, rural Indians (61%) are more likely than city dwellers (50%) to support her. Younger Indians and those with a lower income are more positive about Mrs. Gandhi than are older Indians and those who make more than the median income. And she enjoys bipartisan favorability: 78% by Congress adherents and 54% by BJP backers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n

Kiran Bedi, another anti-corruption activist who was the BJP\u2019s 2015 losing candidate for chief minister in Delhi, enjoys a 48% favorable rating. Only 14% see her in a very<\/em> favorable light and 20% voice no opinion, making her the least well-known of the political figures in the survey. It is better-educated Indians who voiced her strongest support: 62% among those with some college education compared with just 42% among those with a primary school education or less. And while 54% of BJP followers favor her, only 37% of Congress supporters back Bedi.<\/p>\n\n

\"Overwhelmingly<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

A majority (58%) of Indians also have a favorable view of the AAP. There are no significant age, gender or urban-rural differences in that support.<\/a><\/p>\n\n

\"Indians<\/a><\/figure>\n\n

Indians\u2019 backing for their prime minister translates into faith in him to do the right thing regarding world affairs. Roughly nine-in-ten (91%) have confidence in Modi\u2019s handling of international relations, including more than seven-in-ten (73%) of those surveyed who express a lot of confidence. Again, the intensity of his own party\u2019s support is striking: 83% of BJP adherents have a lot of confidence in Modi as a statesman, compared with strong support from 63% of Congress backers. In 2011, 80% of Indians surveyed<\/a> had confidence in the foreign policy approach of Modi\u2019s predecessor, Congress party Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. This included 56% who had a lot of confidence.<\/p>\n\n

There are regional differences in the intensity of public confidence in Modi\u2019s record on foreign affairs. The greatest support is among Indians living in the eastern states (81% very <\/em>confident) and the northern states of Delhi, Rajasthan, Haryana, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh (80% very confident). Indians in the southern states (63% very confident) as well as the western states (62% very confident) are relatively less intense in their backing of the prime minister\u2019s handling of world affairs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Notably, public confidence in Modi\u2019s handling of international affairs has not translated into broad support for his relations with two other world powers: China and Russia. Despite visits to India by both Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping, and Modi\u2019s reciprocal visits to Russia and China, just 39% approve of the prime minister\u2019s handling of relations with China and only 37% approve of his dealings with Russia. This low level of support in part reflects the fact that about three-in-ten or more in those surveys voiced no opinion on either topic.<\/p>\n\n

\"Strong<\/a><\/figure>\n\n

But Indians do approve of Modi\u2019s handling of a range of domestic issues. This may be due to the fact that, contrary to their lack of knowledge about the prime minister\u2019s conduct in foreign affairs, almost all Indians have an opinion about Modi\u2019s domestic policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n

Roughly two-thirds of Indians also approve of Modi\u2019s efforts to deal with unemployment and terrorism. BJP followers (71%) are more supportive of the prime minister\u2019s handling of terrorism than are Congress adherents (56%).<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n

AAP followers are particularly critical of the prime minister\u2019s handling of corruption, their signature issue: Just 40% approve, while 51% disapprove. And half disapprove of his efforts to combat unemployment.<\/a><\/p>\n\n

Modi\u2019s lowest approval on domestic issues comes in his management of communal relations \u2013 the day-to-day interaction between majority Hindus and minority Muslims, Jains, Sikhs and Christians among others, as well as the relationship between the various castes in the country. Communal relations are a particularly sensitive issue for Modi and his Hindu nationalist party.<\/p>\n\n

In 2002, while he was chief minister of Gujarat, Modi was accused of abetting some of the most deadly communal violence<\/a> in recent Indian history. Modi was subsequently cleared of any wrongdoing by a special investigative team<\/a> set up by the Indian Supreme Court. But distrust remains, perhaps in part because incidents of communal violence were up by nearly a quarter<\/a> in the first five months of 2015, under BJP rule, compared with a comparable period in 2014 when a Congress-led government was in power. (The 2015 Pew Research Center survey was conducted before August 2015 rioting in Gujarat.)<\/p>\n\n

Just over half (53%) of those surveyed approve of Modi\u2019s stewardship of communal issues, while 35% disapprove. Indians with at least some college education (64%) are more likely than Indians with a primary education or less (48%) to back his handling of these tensions. And, as might be expected, BJP supporters (57%) are somewhat more positive about his record on communal issues than are Congress followers (47%).<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is, by far, India\u2019s most popular political figure. And the intensity of his support is much stronger than that enjoyed by other leading politicians. He enjoys robust backing among both his own party members and adherents of the opposition, and in rural areas as well as in cities. Modi is popular […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":148,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"sub_headline":"","sub_title":"","_prc_public_revisions":[],"_ppp_expiration_hours":0,"_ppp_enabled":false,"ai_generated_summary":"","_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"relatedPosts":[],"reportMaterials":[],"multiSectionReport":[],"package_parts__enabled":false,"package_parts":[],"_prc_fork_parent":0,"_prc_fork_status":"","_prc_active_fork":0,"datacite_doi":"","datacite_doi_citation":"","_prc_seo_qr_attachment_id":0,"spoken_article_player_enabled":true,"displayBylines":true,"footnotes":"","prc_watchers":[],"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[232,88,109],"tags":[],"bylines":[],"collection":[],"datasets":[],"level_of_effort":[],"primary_audience":[],"information_type":[],"_post_visibility":[],"formats":[458],"_fund_pool":[],"languages":[],"regions-countries":[507,514],"research-teams":[525],"workflow-status":[],"class_list":["post-29740","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-economic-conditions","category-leaders","category-national-conditions","formats-report","regions-countries-asia-pacific","regions-countries-international","research-teams-global"],"label":false,"post_parent":29732,"word_count":1028,"canonical_url":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/global\/2015\/09\/17\/1-the-modi-phenomenon\/","art_direction":{"A1":{"id":38929,"rawUrl":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png","url":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png?w=260&h=260&crop=1","width":260,"height":260,"chartArt":false},"A2":{"id":38929,"rawUrl":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png","url":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png?w=260&h=151&crop=1","width":260,"height":151,"chartArt":false},"A3":{"id":38929,"rawUrl":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png","url":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png?w=194&h=110&crop=1","width":194,"height":110,"chartArt":false},"A4":{"id":38929,"rawUrl":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png","url":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png?w=260&h=151&crop=1","width":260,"height":151,"chartArt":false},"XL":{"id":38929,"rawUrl":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png","url":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png?w=260&h=260&crop=1","width":260,"height":260,"chartArt":false},"social":{"id":38929,"rawUrl":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png","url":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/20\/2015\/09\/India-HP-Graphic.png?w=260&h=260&crop=1","width":260,"height":260,"chartArt":false}},"_embeds":[],"watchers":[],"table_of_contents":[{"id":29732,"title":"The Modi Bounce","slug":"the-modi-bounce","link":"https:\/\/alpha.pewresearch.org\/pewresearch-org\/global\/2015\/09\/17\/the-modi-bounce\/","is_active":false},{"id":29740,"title":"1. 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