Pew Research Center

FOR RELEASE SEPTEMBER 29, 2022

More Than Twice as Many Americans Support Than Oppose the #MeToo Movement

Most say that, compared with five years ago, those who commit sexual harassment or assault at work are more likely to be held responsible and those who report it are more likely to be believed

BY Anna Brown

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Pew Research Center, September 2022, "More Than Twice as Many Americans Support Than Oppose the #MeToo Movement"

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Table of contents

  • About Pew Research Center
  • More Than Twice as Many Americans Support Than Oppose the #MeToo Movement
  • Acknowledgments
  • Methodology

More Than Twice as Many Americans Support Than Oppose the #MeToo Movement

Most say that, compared with five years ago, those who commit sexual harassment or assault at work are more likely to be held responsible and those who report it are more likely to be believed

How we did this

Pew Research Center conducted this study to better understand Americans’ views about the #MeToo movement and the impact they think the movement has had on the workplace five years after the hashtag went viral.

This analysis is based on a survey of 6,034 U.S. adults. The data was collected as a part of a larger survey conducted July 5-17, 2022. Everyone who took part is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way, nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology. Here are the questions used for this report, and its methodology.

Terminology

All references to party affiliation include those who lean toward that party. Republicans include those who identify as Republicans and those who say they lean toward the Republican Party. Democrats include those who identify as Democrats and those who say they lean toward the Democratic Party.

References to White and Black adults include only those who are not Hispanic and identify as only one race. Hispanics are of any race.

Five years after the “MeToo” hashtag went viral, about half of Americans who have heard of the movement express support for it, while 21% say they oppose it, according to a Pew Research Center survey conducted this summer. There are wide partisan gaps in these views, with Democrats roughly three times as likely as Republicans to support the #MeToo movement.

The movement was founded by activist Tarana Burke, who coined the term “MeToo” in 2006, but it gained widespread attention in 2017 when actress Alyssa Milano urged victims of sexual harassment and assault to share their stories on social media. Millions did so, and in the years that followed, hundreds of powerful men lost their jobs or roles after accusers alleged that they had been victims of harassment or assault by these men in the workplace.

A chart showing that most say those who commit sexual harassment or assault at work are now more likely to be held responsible.

As the five-year anniversary of #MeToo approaches, Americans see some changes in how sexual harassment and assault are handled in the workplace. Seven-in-ten U.S. adults – including majorities across demographic groups and partisan lines – say that, compared with five years ago, people who commit sexual harassment or assault in the workplace are now more likely to be held responsible for their actions. And about six-in-ten say that those who report harassment or assault at work are now more likely to be believed. These views are echoed even by a majority of those who oppose the #MeToo movement overall.

Overall, relatively few Americans say that false reporting of incidents of sexual harassment or assault in the workplace are common, but close to half (46%) say it’s extremely or very common for those who have had these types of experiences at work to not report them.

A chart showing that more say it’s common for victims of sexual harassment or assault to not report it than say the same about people making false accusations.

The public has mixed views on how the #MeToo movement has affected the ways in which men and women interact at work. More than four-in-ten (46%) say the increased focus on sexual harassment and assault in the last five years has made it harder for men to know how to interact with women in the workplace, while 21% say it’s made it easier and 32% say it hasn’t made much difference. In contrast, similar shares say it’s made it harder (26%) as say it’s made it easier (27%) for women to know how to interact with men in the workplace, and 46% say it hasn’t made much difference. These findings come from a nationally representative survey of 6,034 U.S. adults that was conducted July 5-17, 2022.

About half of the public who has heard of the #MeToo movement say they support it

On the whole, Americans who have heard of the #MeToo movement lean more toward supporting it than opposing it. About half of these adults (49%) say they support the #MeToo movement either strongly or somewhat, compared with 30% who say they neither support nor oppose it and 21% who say they strongly or somewhat oppose it.

A chart showing that views of the #MeToo movement vary more by party than by gender.

Women who have heard of the movement are more likely than men to say they support the #MeToo movement at least somewhat (54% vs. 42%), but this gap pales in comparison to the difference by political party. Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party are roughly three times as likely as Republicans and GOP leaners to say they support the movement (70% vs. 22%). For their part, Republicans are far more likely than Democrats to express opposition, and to say they neither support nor oppose the #MeToo movement.

Republican and Democratic women who have heard of the #MeToo movement are more likely than their male counterparts to say they support it, though the share of Democratic women who say they favor it is far greater than that of Republican women (76% vs. 28%, respectively).

Young adults ages 18 to 29 who have heard of it are the most likely to support the #MeToo movement (64% say they do), compared with smaller shares of 30- to 49-year-olds (49%), 50- to 64-year-olds (42%) and those 65 and older (41%).

Women younger than 30 particularly stand out: 72% say they support the movement, compared with 52% of men of the same age. No other age group comes close to matching the level of support of women under 30. Some 53% of women ages 30 to 49 say they support the movement, which is not statistically different from the 47% of men that age who say the same. Some 48% of 50- to 64-year-old women say they support the #MeToo movement – greater than the 36% share of men in this age group who say the same. And about half of women 65 and older (49%) say they support the movement, compared with 32% of men ages 65 and older.

While White adults who have heard of the movement are more likely than Black and Hispanic adults to oppose #MeToo, this is tied to the fact that White adults are also more likely to be Republicans. White Democrats are actually more likely than Black and Hispanic Democrats to support the movement. (Data for Asian adults and other racial and ethnic groups is included in the total but not shown separately due to small sample sizes.)

About one-in-five adults overall (21%) say they have not heard of the #MeToo movement. This share is greater among Black and Hispanic adults, women, those with some college education or less, and Republicans than among their counterparts.

Top reason #MeToo movement supporters give is that women deserve respect or equality, and that the movement draws attention to the issues of sexual harassment and assault

A chart showing that the need for respect or equality tops the list of reasons for supporting #MeToo.

In an open-ended question, 34% of those who express support for the #MeToo movement give a response focused on women needing or deserving equality or respect or spreading awareness of the issues of sexual harassment and assault. Some other responses given are that it holds abusers accountable or can bring old stories to light (14%); that the movement helps to support victims and allows them to heal (13%); and that it destigmatizes sexual assault and harassment (12%). One-in-ten #MeToo supporters cite personal experiences with sexual harassment or assault – either their own or those of someone they know. An additional 7% say that supporting the movement is the right thing to do.

Among #MeToo supporters, men are more likely than women to cite reasons such as women deserve equality or respect, the movement holds abusers accountable, and that it’s the right thing to do. Meanwhile, women are more likely than men to say supporting victims and personal experiences are reasons they support the movement.

In their own words: Why do you support the #MeToo movement?

“Because we should all be free of sexual assault and harassment at work, and men in power should not be able to abuse those below them.” – Man, age 27

 “It’s important to raise awareness of sexual assault and the treatment of women.” – Man, age 48

“I have been victim of sexual misconduct – it’s often not taken seriously by offender(s) and the system. It’s time for that to stop.” – Woman, age 59

“Sexual assault is wrong.” – Woman, age 26

“I support to a point. I believe women should be supported when they come forward, but also there needs to be investigation into the allegations.” – Man, age 43

“I feel it’s good for people to know they aren’t alone and there are a lot of people out there that have gone through the same things they may have.” – Woman, age 28

A chart showing that lack of due process is among the top reasons #MeToo opponents give for their opposition.

Among those who say they oppose the #MeToo movement, 22% give reasons related to due process, such as the idea that the movement does not take due process into account or that individuals should be considered innocent until proven guilty (13%); feeling as if many accusations are old and women are waiting too long to come forward (6%); and inconsistencies over who gets held accountable (2%). (Figures may not add to subtotals due to rounding and because respondents could offer more than one reason.)

An additional 18% cite the potential for false accusations and 14% say the movement is more about attention, publicity, money or other motivations rather than a genuine desire to bring perpetrators to justice. Other opponents give reasons such as the movement going too far in labeling things as assault when they really are not (10%); the movement is too ideological or liberal (7%); it’s just the wrong thing to do in general (7%); or that there are no consequences for accusers or that women need to take responsibility for themselves rather than blaming others (6%).

In their own words: Why do you oppose the #MeToo movement?

“Because I believe that women should come forward with their accusations within a reasonable period of time following any incident – not years or decades later, or only after other women spoke out about the alleged abuser. Some need to accept some personal responsibility for putting themselves in such situations (alone with men, drinking, etc.) for purposes of getting a job, a promotion, coaching, etc. from any man in a position of power. … The idea that accepting some of the responsibility constitutes ‘victim blaming’ is an overboard reaction, in my opinion.” – Woman, age 60

“I do not support the idea of ‘believe all women.’ This country was built on innocent until proven guilty.” – Man, age 26

“I believe it is laced with inherent prejudice and is biased toward women. I do believe that women have been violated and marginalized, but I don’t think this movement properly addresses the issues.” – Man, age 70

“I believe there are people falsely claiming ‘me too’ for their own financial gain, and potentially destroying the lives/reputations of the people they are accusing. Too many people are taking advantage of a serious situation because it’s trendy or they are greedy or just want attention.” – Man, age 35

“Women are being encouraged to label all acts of what they feel to be transgression as ‘assault.’ Women who have been looked at uncomfortably or even just catcalled are unfairly saying they’ve been raped or assaulted.” – Woman, age 38

“The #MeToo movement only cares about women when they believe a Republican has violated a Democrat. The members of #MeToo were disgustingly silent when the victims made allegations against liberal politicians. We went from every woman should be believed to attacking victims and shaming them. They offer no apologies for attacking the men who were wrongly accused. They have zero credibility.” – Woman, age 41

Most say that those who commit harassment or assault are now more likely to be held responsible and victims are more likely to be believed

A chart showing that most Americans believe people who commit harassment or assault at work are more likely to be held responsible now than five years ago.

Most U.S. adults say that, compared with five years ago, people who commit sexual harassment or assault in the workplace are now more likely to be held responsible for their actions.

Majorities across demographic groups and political affiliations share this view, including three-quarters of those who support the movement and 68% of those who oppose it.

While three-quarters of men say they believe those who commit sexual harassment or assault at work are now more likely to be held responsible, women are somewhat more skeptical – 65% say this is the case, and 24% say there hasn’t been much of a difference (versus 18% of men). About one-in-ten women (9%) say people who commit harassment or assault are less likely to be held responsible now than they were five years ago.

There are also differences by age. About six-in-ten adults younger than 30 (62%) say people who commit sexual assault or harassment are more likely now to be held accountable. This compares with 69% among those ages 30 to 49, 71% of those 50 to 64 and 75% of those 65 and older.

Overall, Democrats and Republicans are equally likely to believe that, compared with five years ago, those who commit sexual harassment or assault are more likely to be held responsible. Greater shares of men than women in the Republican Party say those who commit sexual harassment or assault are more likely to be held responsible; the same is true of Democratic men compared with Democratic women.

A chart showing that most say those who report experiencing sexual harassment or assault at work are now more likely to be believed.

Most Americans (62%) also see a greater likelihood that people who report having experienced sexual harassment or assault in the workplace will be believed now compared with five years ago. About a quarter (26%) say there has been no difference and a small share (9%) say people who have these experiences are less likely than five years ago to be believed.

Here again, women are a bit more skeptical about changes over the last five years. Six-in-ten women (versus 66% of men) say that those who report these types of experiences are now more likely to be believed. Women are more likely than men to say there hasn’t been much of a difference (28% vs. 24%, respectively).

There’s a significant partisan gap on this question: 68% of Democrats versus 58% of Republicans say people who report experiencing sexual harassment or assault are more likely to be believed now. For their part, Republicans are more likely to say people are less likely to be believed or that there hasn’t been much change in recent years. Among Democrats, a greater share of men than women say people reporting these experiences are more likely to be believed now (72% vs. 64%), but there is no significant gender gap among Republicans.

There is also a sizable gap between those who support and oppose the #MeToo movement. About three-quarters of those who support the movement (74%) say people who say they have experienced sexual harassment or assault at work are more likely to be believed, compared with a much narrower majority of those who oppose the movement (56%).

Overall, Americans see false reporting of sexual harassment and assault in the workplace as relatively rare; many say people not reporting these experiences is more common

A chart showing that no gender gap on whether false reports of sexual harassment or assault are common in the workplace.

A relatively small share of U.S. adults say that it is extremely or very common for people to report that they experienced sexual harassment or assault in the workplace when it really did not happen (15%). Roughly a third (35%) say this is somewhat common and about half (48%) say it’s not too or not at all common.

Views are reversed when it comes to people experiencing harassment or assault at work and not reporting it. Some 46% say this is extremely or very common, 38% say it’s somewhat common and 15% say it’s not too or not at all common.

There is no gender gap in views of how common instances of false reporting are – 48% of both men and women say this is uncommon. Young adults ages 18 to 29 are the most likely to say it’s not common for people to report being harassed or assaulted at work when it didn’t happen.

Republicans and those who lean toward the Republican Party are about twice as likely as Democrats and Democratic leaners to say false reporting is extremely or very common (20% vs. 11%) and are also much more likely to say it is somewhat common (42% vs. 29%). A majority of Democrats (59%) say this is not too or not at all common, compared with 37% of Republicans. Within each party, men and women hold similar views on this topic.

Views of the #MeToo movement are also strongly correlated with how common people think false accusations are. Some 28% of those who oppose the movement say it’s at least very common for people to falsely report being sexually harassed or assaulted at work, compared with only 7% of those who support the movement. Meanwhile, most supporters of #MeToo say this is not too or not at all common, more than twice the share of opponents who say the same (68% vs. 29%).

A chart showing that substantial gender and partisan gaps on whether underreporting of sexual harassment and assault is common.

When it comes to how common it is for people to experience sexual harassment or assault at work and not report it, men and women do not see eye to eye. Women are much more likely than men to say this is at least very common (55% vs. 36%), while men are more likely than women to say it’s somewhat common, or that it’s not too or not at all common.

A majority of Democrats (58%) say that it’s at least very common for people not to report their experiences of sexual harassment or assault in the workplace, compared with 33% of Republicans. Republicans are more likely to say this is somewhat common (46% vs. 31%), or to say it’s not too or not at all common (21% vs. 10%). Within each party, much greater shares of women than men say that it’s extremely or very common for people to have these experiences and not report them.

#MeToo movement supporters are far more likely than opponents to say that this kind of underreporting occurs often – 61% of supporters say it’s extremely or very common, compared with 23% of opponents. Opponents are more likely than supporters to say it’s somewhat common (49% vs. 30%) or that it’s not too or not at all common (27% vs. 7%).

More say the increased focus on sexual harassment and assault has made it harder for men to know how to interact with women at work than say it’s made it harder for women to know how to interact with men

A chart showing that more than four-in-ten U.S. adults say it is now harder for men to know how to interact with women at work.

A plurality of U.S. adults (46%) say that the increased focus on sexual harassment and assault in the last five years has made it harder for men to know how to interact with women in the workplace, while smaller shares say it hasn’t made much difference (32%) or that it has made it easier for men (21%). By comparison, far fewer say that this increased focus has made it harder for women to know how to interact with men at work (26%). Some 46% of adults say it hasn’t made much difference for women and 27% say it has made it easier for them to know how to interact with men.

By a double-digit margin, men (53%) are more likely than women (39%) to say this focus has made it harder for men to know how to interact with women in the workplace. There is a far smaller gap in the shares of men and women who say this has made it harder for women to know how to interact with men in the workplace (28% vs. 24%).

A chart showing that women, Democrats are the least likely to say it’s harder now for men to know how to interact with women at work.

A 59% majority of Republicans and those who lean to the Republican Party say that the recent increased focus on sexual harassment and assault makes it harder for men to know how to interact in the workplace, far greater than the 36% of Democrats and Democratic leaners who say the same. While smaller shares of both groups say it’s harder now for women to know how to interact with men at work, the same pattern exists (34% of Republicans vs. 19% of Democrats say it’s harder for women).

Among both Republicans and Democrats, there is a gender gap of at least 10 percentage points, with men being more likely than women in their party to say an increased focus on harassment and assault has made it more difficult for men to know how to act at work. When it comes to women knowing how to interact with men in the workplace, a gender gap exists among Republicans (Republican men are more likely than Republican women to say it’s now harder for women) but not among Democrats.

Acknowledgments

This report is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of the following individuals. Find related reports online at https://alpha.pewresearch.org/pewresearch-org/topic/gender-lgbtq/gender-equality-discrimination/sexual-misconduct-harassment/.

Kim Parker, Director of Social Trends Research
Juliana Menasce Horowitz, Associate Director, Research
Anna Brown, Research Associate
Janakee Chavda, Assistant Digital Producer
Ruth Igielnik, Former Senior Researcher
Kiley Hurst, Research Assistant
Dana Braga, Research Assistant
J. Baxter Oliphant, Senior Researcher
Shannon Greenwood, Digital Producer
Sara Atske, Associate Digital Producer
Rebecca Leppert, Editorial Assistant
Michael Keegan, Senior Information Graphics Designer
Tanya Arditi, Communications Manager
Julia O’Hanlon, Communications Associate
Mimi Cottingham, Communications Associate

In addition, the project benefited greatly from the guidance of the Pew Research Center methodology team: Courtney Kennedy, Andrew Mercer, Ashley Amaya, Dorene Asare-Marfo, Dana Popky, Nick Hatley and Arnold Lau.

Methodology

The American Trends Panel survey methodology

Overview

The American Trends Panel (ATP), created by Pew Research Center, is a nationally representative panel of randomly selected U.S. adults. Panelists participate via self-administered web surveys. Panelists who do not have internet access at home are provided with a tablet and wireless internet connection. Interviews are conducted in both English and Spanish. The panel is being managed by Ipsos.

Data in this report is drawn from the panel wave conducted from July 5-17, 2022, and included oversamples of adults who identify as lesbian, gay or bisexual (LGB), adults who have used online dating sites or apps, and adults who are currently looking for a romantic partner, in order to provide more precise estimates of the opinions and experiences of these smaller demographic subgroups. These oversampled groups are weighted back to reflect their correct proportions in the population. A total of 6,034 panelists responded out of 7,374 who were sampled, for a response rate of 84%. This included 4,996 respondents from the ATP and an oversample of 1,038 LGB respondents from Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel (KP). The cumulative response rate accounting for nonresponse to the recruitment surveys and attrition is 3%. The break-off rate among panelists who logged on to the survey and completed at least one item is 1%. The margin of sampling error for the full sample of 6,034 respondents is plus or minus 2.0 percentage points.

A table showing American Trends Panel recruitment surveys

Panel recruitment

The ATP was created in 2014, with the first cohort of panelists invited to join the panel at the end of a large, national, landline and cellphone random-digit-dial survey that was conducted in both English and Spanish. Two additional recruitments were conducted using the same method in 2015 and 2017, respectively. Across these three surveys, a total of 19,718 adults were invited to join the ATP, of whom 9,942 (50%) agreed to participate.

In August 2018, the ATP switched from telephone to address-based recruitment. Invitations were sent to a stratified, random sample of households selected from the U.S. Postal Service’s Delivery Sequence File. Sampled households receive mailings asking a randomly selected adult to complete a survey online. A question at the end of the survey asks if the respondent is willing to join the ATP. Starting in 2020 another stage was added to the recruitment. Households that do not respond to the online survey are sent a paper version of the questionnaire, $5 and a postage-paid return envelope. A subset of the adults returning the paper version of the survey are invited to join the ATP. This subset of adults receive a follow-up mailing with a $10 pre-incentive and invitation to join the ATP.

Across the four address-based recruitments, a total of 19,822 adults were invited to join the ATP, of whom 17,472 agreed to join the panel and completed an initial profile survey. In each household, the adult with the next birthday was asked to go online to complete a survey, at the end of which they were invited to join the panel. Of the 27,414 individuals who have ever joined the ATP, 11,660 remained active panelists and continued to receive survey invitations at the time this survey was conducted.

The U.S. Postal Service’s Delivery Sequence File has been estimated to cover as much as 98% of the population, although some studies suggest that the coverage could be in the low 90% range. 1 The American Trends Panel never uses breakout routers or chains that direct respondents to additional surveys.

About the Ipsos KnowledgePanel

The Ipsos KnowledgePanel is an online probability-based panel representative of the U.S. adult population. Households without internet connection are provided with a web-enabled device and free internet service. KnowledgePanel’s recruitment process was originally based on a national RDD sampling methodology. In 2009, the panel switched to using an ABS methodology. Additional information about the recruitment, sampling and weighting procedures for the Ipsos KnowledgePanel are available here.

Sample design

The overall target population for this survey was non-institutionalized persons ages 18 and older living in the U.S., including Alaska and Hawaii. It featured a stratified random sample from the ATP in which panelists who identify as lesbian, gay or bisexual, have used online dating sites or apps or who are currently looking for a romantic partner were selected with certainty. The remaining panelists were sampled at rates designed to ensure that the share of respondents in each stratum is proportional to its share of the U.S. adult population to the greatest extent possible. Respondent weights are adjusted to account for differential probabilities of selection as described in the Weighting section below.

The ATP was supplemented with an oversample of LGB respondents from the KnowledgePanel.

Questionnaire development and testing

The questionnaire was developed by Pew Research Center in consultation with Ipsos. The web program was rigorously tested on both PC and mobile devices by the Ipsos project management team and Pew Research Center researchers. The Ipsos project management team also populated test data that was analyzed in SPSS to ensure the logic and randomizations were working as intended before launching the survey.

Incentives

All respondents were offered a post-paid incentive for their participation. Respondents could choose to receive the post-paid incentive in the form of a check or a gift code to Amazon.com or could choose to decline the incentive. Incentive amounts ranged from $5 to $20 depending on whether the respondent belongs to a part of the population that is harder or easier to reach. Differential incentive amounts were designed to increase panel survey participation among groups that traditionally have low survey response propensities.

Ipsos operates an ongoing modest incentive program for KnowledgePanel to encourage participation and create member loyalty. The incentive program includes special raffles and sweepstakes with both cash rewards and other prizes to be won. Typically, panel members are assigned no more than one survey per week. On average, panel members complete two to three surveys per month with durations of 10 to 15 minutes per survey. An additional incentive is usually provided for longer surveys.

Data collection protocol

The data collection field period for this survey was July 5-17, 2022. Postcard notifications were mailed to all ATP panelists with a known residential address on July 5, 2022. 

Invitations were sent out in two separate launches: Soft Launch and Full Launch. Sixty ATP panelists and 456 KnowledgePanel panelists were included in the Soft launch, which began with an initial invitation sent on July 5, 2022. The ATP panelists chosen for the initial Soft launch were known responders who had completed previous ATP surveys within one day of receiving their invitation. All remaining English- and Spanish-speaking panelists were included in the Full launch and were sent an invitation on July 6, 2022.

All panelists with an email address received an email invitation and up to four email reminders if they did not respond to the survey. All ATP panelists that consented to SMS messages received an SMS invitation and up to four SMS reminders.

Table showing invitation and reminder dates

Data quality checks

To ensure high-quality data, the Center’s researchers performed data quality checks to identify any respondents showing clear patterns of satisficing. This includes checking for very high rates of leaving questions blank, as well as always selecting the first or last answer presented. As a result of this checking, two ATP respondents were removed from the survey dataset prior to weighting and analysis.

Weighting

The data was weighted in a multistep process that accounts for multiple stages of sampling and nonresponse that occur at different points in the survey process. First, each panelist began with a base weight that reflects their probability of selection for their initial recruitment survey. These weights were then adjusted to account for each panelist’s probability of being sampled to participate in this wave.

A table showing weighting dimensions

Next, respondents were placed into one of three groups: 1) LGB ATP respondents, 2) LGB KnowledgePanel respondents, 3) all remaining ATP respondents. Within each group, the weights for each respondent were scaled to be proportional to that group’s effective sample size. The groups were then recombined and the weights were poststratified so that the weighted proportion of LGB adults matched its estimated share of the of the U.S. adult population.

The weights were then calibrated to align with the population benchmarks identified in the accompanying table and trimmed at the 1st and 99th percentiles to reduce the loss in precision stemming from variance in the weights. Sampling errors and tests of statistical significance take into account the effect of weighting.

Some of the population benchmarks used for weighting come from surveys conducted prior to the coronavirus outbreak that began in February 2020. However, the weighting variables for panelists recruited in 2021 were measured at the time they were recruited to the panel. Likewise, the profile variables for existing panelists were updated from panel surveys conducted in July or August 2021. For KnowledgePanel respondents, many of the weighting variables were measured on this wave.

This does not pose a problem for most of the variables used in the weighting, which are quite stable at both the population and individual levels. However, volunteerism may have changed over the intervening period in ways that made their 2021 measurements incompatible with the available (pre-pandemic) benchmarks. To address this, volunteerism is weighted to an estimated benchmark that attempts to account for possible changes in behavior.

The weighting parameter is estimated using the volunteerism profile variable that was measured on the full American Trends Panel in 2021 but weighted using the profile variable that was measured in 2020. For all other weighting dimensions, the more recent panelist measurements were used. For American Trends panelists recruited in 2021, the 2020 volunteerism measure was imputed using data from existing panelists with similar characteristics.

For panelists recruited in 2021, plausible values were imputed using the 2020 volunteerism values from existing panelists with similar characteristics. This ensures that any patterns of change that were observed in the existing panelists were also reflected in the new recruits when the weighting was performed.

The following table shows the unweighted sample sizes and the error attributable to sampling that would be expected at the 95% level of confidence for different groups in the survey.

Table showing unweighted sample sizes and error attributable to sampling

Sample sizes and sampling errors for other subgroups are available upon request. In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.

Dispositions and response rates

Table showing final dispositions
Table showing cumulative response rates

© Pew Research Center, 2022