Executive Summary

Many Americans continue to see the Mormon faith as unfamiliar and different. Half say they know little or nothing about Mormonism, half say it is a Christian religion while a third say it is not, and roughly two-thirds believe Mormonism is “very different” from their own beliefs. There has been virtually no change in these impressions over the past four years.

About half of all voters, and 60% of evangelical Republicans, know that Mitt Romney is a Mormon. The former Massachusetts governor’s religion has implications for his nomination run but not for the general election, should he be nominated as his party’s standard bearer.

White evangelical Protestants – a key element of the GOP electoral base – are more inclined than the public as a whole to view Mormonism as a non-Christian faith. And this view is linked to opinions about Romney: Republicans who say Mormonism is not a Christian religion are less likely to support Romney for the GOP nomination and offer a less favorable assessment of him generally. But they seem prepared to overwhelmingly back him in a run against Obama in the general election.

These are the principal findings from a new national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, conducted Nov. 9-14 among 2,001 adults, including 1,576 registered voters. In the race for the GOP nomination, Romney trails Herman Cain by nine points (26% to 17%) among white evangelical Republican and Republican-leaning voters. Romney leads among white mainline Protestant Republicans (26% to 17% over Cain) and runs about even with Cain among white Catholic Republican voters (26% Romney, 23% Cain).

There is no evidence that Romney’s Mormon faith would prevent rank-and-file Republicans, including white evangelicals, from coalescing around him if he wins the GOP nomination. Rather, the same Republicans who may have doubts about Romney’s faith are among the most vehement opponents of Barack Obama. Fully 91% of white evangelical Republican voters say they would back Romney over Obama in a general election matchup, and 79% would support Romney strongly. Overall, white evangelicals would be among the strongest Romney supporters if he is the GOP nominee challenging Obama next fall.

The survey finds that overall opinions about Mormonism have changed very little since Romney’s last race for the White House. About half (49%) say they know a great deal or some about the Mormon religion. And about half (51%) say the Mormon religion is Christian. Roughly a third (32%) say Mormonism is not a Christian faith – a figure that rises to 47% among white evangelical Protestants.

When asked what one word best describes their impression of the Mormon religion, most Americans either have no opinion or offer relatively neutral words like different, conservative, Christian or Utah.

About one-in-four (24%) give assessments that are negative in tone. Overall, cult is the most frequently used word. Other negative terms include polygamy, restrictive, strange and misguided. An additional 18% offer positive words such as good, dedicated, devout, faithful and honest. The overall balance of positive, negative and neutral words, as well as the words themselves, are largely unchanged from how people described Mormonism four years ago.

Impressions of the Mormon faith are virtually identical across party lines: roughly two-thirds of both Republicans and Democrats say Mormon beliefs are very different from their own, and roughly a third across party lines say the Mormon religion is not Christian.

As Republican and Republican-leaning voters evaluate Romney, very few say his faith is a factor. A majority of Republican and Republican-leaning voters (56%) know that Romney is a Mormon. But just 8% say Romney’s religion makes them less likely to vote for him; 44% say it would not make a difference. Among white evangelical Republican voters, however, 15% say Romney’s religion would make them less likely to support him.

Opinions about the Mormon religion are a factor in how GOP voters view Romney. Roughly six-in-ten (61%) Republican and Republican-leaning voters who say that Mormonism is a Christian religion have a favorable opinion of Romney. That compares with 51% of those who say that it is not a Christian religion. And Republican voters who say Mormonism is not Christian are far less likely to support Romney for the GOP nomination.

But these same Republicans also are among the strongest critics of Obama. Nearly six-in-ten Republican voters (58%) who do not view Mormonism as Christian have a very unfavorable opinion of Obama; that compares with 44% of those who say it is Christian.

And support for Romney in a general election matchup with Obama is just as high among Republican voters who say Mormonism is not a Christian religion as among those who say it is (89% and 86%, respectively).

Photo Credit: © 2010 L. Toshio Kishiyama

Navigate this page:

• General Election Matchups
• Personal Images of the 2012 Candidates
• Romney’s Stable Image
• Romney and Cain: Traits and Characteristics
• GOP Candidates’ Religions Not Widely Known
• Impact of Romney’s Religion
• Parties’ Friendliness to Religion

In the GOP nomination race, Romney and Cain run about even among Republicans and Republican-leaning voters (23% for Romney and 22% for Cain).

Newt Gingrich trails both Romney and Cain, but Gingrich’s support has doubled in the past month (from 8% to 16%). Currently, 8% favor Rick Perry, down from 17% about a month ago. As many now support Ron Paul for the GOP nomination as favor Perry. (For more, see “Obama Job Approval Improves, GOP Contest Remains Fluid,” Nov. 17, 2011.)

Romney’s support for the GOP nomination is more tepid among white evangelical Republicans, a key constituency within the GOP. White evangelical Republicans are less likely to name Romney as their first choice for the nomination; 17% of this group does so, while 26% name Cain and 19% name Gingrich.

Among white mainline Protestant GOP voters, Romney is the first choice for the nomination (26%) with Cain the next closest candidate at 17%. White Catholic Republicans are more closely divided between these two men with 26% for Romney and 23% for Cain.

Romney trails Cain slightly among white evangelical Republicans, and he also draws less support among Republican and Republican-leaning voters who agree with the Tea Party. Cain leads Romney among all Tea Party Republican voters (by 29% to 18%).

Romney is weakest among GOP voters who fall into both of these groups – white evangelicals who agree with the Tea Party. Just 11% of these voters support Romney for the GOP nomination, while more than three times as many (39%) back Cain.

General Election Matchups

When it comes to the general election, Romney does better in a head-to-head matchup with Obama than any of the other top-tier GOP candidates. Looking at all registered voters, white evangelical Protestant voters are just as likely to support Romney over Obama in a general election matchup as they are to support Cain, Gingrich, or Perry against Obama. And among white Catholic and white mainline Protestant voters, Romney holds considerably more appeal than the other GOP contenders.

Among all registered voters, 49% favor Obama while 47% support Romney. Obama holds significant leads over other leading Republican candidates (by 11 points over Perry and 12 points over Gingrich and Cain).

In the general election, white evangelical Protestant voters support each of the GOP candidates over Obama by about the same overwhelming margins; Romney’s advantage is 44 points while Cain, Gingrich and Perry each hold a 41-point advantage over Obama among white evangelicals.

Romney also has a wide lead over Obama among white mainline Protestant voters: 56% support Romney while just 38% support Obama. By contrast, Gingrich, Cain and Perry run roughly even with Obama among white mainline Protestants.

Among highly religious voters – those who say they attend religious services at least once a week – Romney has a 14-point lead (55% to 41%) over Obama. Gingrich, Perry and Cain run about even with Obama among these voters. Obama generally has the advantage among voters who attend services less frequently, but Romney ties Obama among voters who attend services only once or twice a month or a few times a year. (For a detailed breakdown of religious and demographic differences in presidential trial heats, see the tables that accompanied the Nov. 17 report.)

Personal Images of the 2012 Candidates

Among all voters, 50% have a favorable opinion of Obama while 48% view him unfavorably. Opinions of the GOP nomination candidates are less favorable, with views of Romney being the most positive. Overall, 38% hold a favorable view of Romney, 45% hold an unfavorable view.

Just a third of voters have a favorable opinion of Gingrich, compared with 52% who view him unfavorably. The balance of opinion also is negative in views of Cain (31% favorable, 52% unfavorable) and Perry (25% favorable, 55% unfavorable).

Voters’ personal impressions of Obama and the GOP candidates reflect their voting preferences. These four GOP candidates are viewed much more favorably than Obama among all white evangelicals; comparable percentages have favorable impressions of Gingrich (50% favorable), Romney (46%), Cain (45%) and Perry (42%). Just a quarter of white evangelicals (25%) have a favorable view of Obama.

Obama is viewed far more favorably than the GOP candidates by black Protestant voters and those with no religious affiliation. Fully nine-in-ten black Protestant voters (93%) view him favorably while no more than about a quarter view any of the GOP candidates favorably. And 65% of unaffiliated voters have a favorable impression of Obama, more than double the percentage that have a favorable opinion of any of the Republican candidates.

Romney’s Stable Image

Romney’s image has changed little since his unsuccessful campaign for the GOP nomination four years ago. Currently, 38% of voters have a favorable view of Romney while 45% express an unfavorable opinion. In February 2008, during the GOP primaries, 34% had a favorable opinion and 43% viewed Romney unfavorably.

There has been little change in the way that voters among different religious groups view Romney. White evangelical Protestant voters have mixed opinions of Romney (46% favorable, 40% unfavorable); this was also the case in early 2008 (42% favorable, 33% unfavorable), though fewer voters knew enough about Romney to hold an opinion. Similarly, as in February 2008, about as many white Catholic and white mainline voters view Romney favorably as unfavorably.

Romney and Cain: Traits and Characteristics

Romney is widely seen by GOP voters as well-qualified to be president as well as honest and trustworthy, and these views are shared by large majorities of Republican voters in different religious groups. For instance, 71% of all Republican and Republican-leaning voters say Romney is well-qualified to be president, and 65% say he is honest and trustworthy. Comparable majorities of white evangelical Republican voters also say these descriptions apply to Romney (67% well-qualified, 65% honest and trustworthy).

By contrast, Republican voters are less likely to say Romney understands the needs of people like them (54%), is a strong conservative (53%) and takes consistent positions on issues (47%). And only about a quarter of all GOP voters (24%) say Romney shares their religious beliefs. There are only modest differences across different religious groups – white evangelicals, white mainline Protestants and white Catholics – in these evaluations.

Cain’s image is very different: Only about half of all Republican and Republican-leaning voters say Cain is honest and trustworthy (50%) and well-qualified (49%). But compared with Romney, far more GOP voters say Cain is a strong conservative (64%) and that he takes consistent positions on issues (60%). White evangelicals (70%) are somewhat more likely than white mainline Protestants (58%) or white Catholics (57%) to view Cain as a strong conservative.

And more Republican voters say Cain shares their religious beliefs (34%) than say that about Romney (24%). Notably, while nearly half of white evangelical Protestants (46%) say Cain shares their religious beliefs, just 19% say that description applies to Romney.

GOP Candidates’ Religions Not Widely Known

Only about half (48%) of all registered voters know that Romney is a Mormon. Even fewer know the religions of two other Republican candidates, Cain and Perry. A quarter (25%) of voters know that Cain is Protestant, and although 31% are aware that Perry is Protestant, just 17% know he is an evangelical Protestant.

More than half (56%) of Republican and Republican-leaning voters correctly identify Romney’s faith. Fewer Democratic and Democratic-leaning voters know that Romney is a Mormon. Republicans also are more likely than Democrats to know that Cain is a Protestant (30% vs. 22%). But there is no partisan gap in awareness of Perry’s faith.

Among Republican and Republican-leaning voters, members of most religious groups are about equally knowledgeable of Romney’s religion, with six-in-ten white evangelicals (60%) and more than half of white Catholics (56%) and white mainline Protestants (52%) correctly identifying Romney as a Mormon.

Few voters say that the religion of the GOP candidates will impact their voting decision, either positively or negatively. Very small percentages say that Cain or Perry’s religion makes them either more or less likely to vote for them.

Impact of Romney’s Religion

Romney’s religion is not a major factor for most voters. Nearly nine-in-ten Republican and Republican-leaning voters (88%) are either unaware of Romney’s religion or say it would make no difference in their vote.

Protestant Republican voters are somewhat more inclined than Catholic Republicans to say they would be less likely to vote for Romney because he is a Mormon. Most white evangelical Republican voters either do not know Romney’s religion (40%) or say it would make no difference to their vote (42%), but 15% say it makes them less likely to vote for him.

Parties’ Friendliness to Religion

As was the case throughout George W. Bush’s presidency, more Americans currently say the Republican Party is friendly to religion than say that about the Democratic Party. But significantly fewer see the GOP as friendly to religion than did so during the Bush years.

Currently, 43% of the public says that the Republican Party is friendly to religion; 26% say the GOP is neutral toward religion, while 19% say it is unfriendly. From 2003-2008, about 50% viewed the GOP as friendly to religion.

In the current survey, 30% say the Democratic Party is friendly to religion. A plurality (40%) says the Democratic Party is neutral to religion, and 20% see it as unfriendly.

Pluralities of white evangelical Protestants (53%), white mainline Protestants (46%) and white Catholics (43%) say the GOP is friendly to religion; much smaller percentages of white evangelicals (18%), white mainline Protestants (32%) and white Catholics (29%) view the Democratic Party as friendly to religion. By contrast, 45% of black Protestants say the Democratic Party is friendly to religion, compared with 23% who say the same about the GOP.

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• Stable Opinions About Mormon Religion
• One-Word Descriptions of Mormon Religion

Roughly half of non-Mormons say that they know a great deal (13%) or some (37%) about the Mormon religion, with the other half saying they know not very much (29%) or nothing at all (21%). Similarly, half of non-Mormons (49%) say they know someone who is Mormon, while 50% say they do not know any Mormons. The public’s assessment of its own knowledge of Mormonism and the percentage saying they know a Mormon is virtually unchanged from 2007.

Familiarity with Mormonism is most common in the western United States, where 73% of non-Mormons say they know someone who is Mormon, and 58% say they know a great deal or some about the Mormon religion. Knowing a Mormon and knowledge of Mormonism is significantly less common in other parts of the country.

Among religious groups, nearly six-in-ten white evangelicals (57%) say they know someone who is Mormon, and 62% say they know at least some about the Mormon religion. Roughly half of white mainline Protestants (52%) and the religiously unaffiliated (51%) say they know a Mormon. Among Catholics, 44% say they know someone who is a Mormon and 40% say they know a great deal or some about Mormonism. Compared with other religious groups, far fewer black Protestants know someone who is Mormon (21%) or say they know a great deal or some about the Mormon religion (34%). These views are little changed from 2007.

Stable Opinions About Mormon Religion

Similarly, attitudes toward the Mormon religion have remained stable. About half (51%) of non-Mormons say that, based on what they have read or heard, they think the Mormon religion is a Christian religion; 32% say it is not a Christian religion. And most non-Mormons (65%) continue to say that the Mormon religion is very different from their own religion or beliefs.

Compared with other religious groups, far more white evangelical Protestants say that Mormons are not Christian. Nearly half of white evangelicals (47%) say that the Mormon religion is not a Christian religion, while 39% say it is. By contrast, majorities of white mainline Protestants (62%), white Catholics (59%) and the religiously unaffiliated (56%) express the view that the Mormon religion is a Christian religion.

College graduates, by almost two-to-one (59% to 30%) say that the Mormon religion is Christian. Fewer than half of those with no more than a high school education (46%) say the Mormon religion is Christian, but they are no more likely than those with more education to say that Mormonism is not Christian.

The survey finds little connection between familiarity with Mormons and Mormonism and views of the religion. About a third (35%) of those who say they know at least some about Mormonism say it is not a Christian religion, as do 29% of those who describe themselves as knowing little or nothing about Mormonism. One-third of those who know a Mormon say that Mormonism is not a Christian religion (34%), as do 30% of those who do not know a Mormon.

Majorities across all religious groups say that the Mormon religion is very different from their own. Roughly seven-in-ten white evangelical Protestants (70%) and white Catholics (68%) say the Mormon religion is very different from their own; smaller majorities of black Protestants (59%) and white mainline Protestants (56%) agree.

One-Word Descriptions of Mormon Religion

When asked in an open-ended question what one word best describes the Mormon religion, the most common response is cult, offered by 100 respondents in this survey, or about 5% of the public. Other commonly offered responses include family or family values (57 responses), different (55 responses), polygamy (49 responses) and good or good people (45 responses).

White evangelical Protestants are more likely than members of other religions to use the word cult to describe the Mormon religion, with 11% offering this word. By comparison, cult is offered as the single best descriptor by 5% of white mainline Protestants, 5% of black Protestants, 2% of the religiously unaffiliated and 1% of white Catholics.

Many of the positive words used to describe the Mormon religion focus on the devotion of its adherents: 28 respondents use the word dedicated, 19 respondents offer the words devout or devoted and 19 say faith or faithful.

The public’s lack of familiarity with the Mormon religion also is reflected in the one-word descriptions. While 55 respondents use the word different, 24 use the words confused or confusing, 18 say strange and 10 use the word odd to describe the religion.

The analysis in this report is based on telephone interviews conducted Nov. 9-14, 2011, among a national sample of 2,001 adults, 18 years of age or older, living in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia (1,200 respondents were interviewed on a landline telephone, and 801 were interviewed on a cell phone, including 397 who had no landline telephone). The survey was conducted by interviewers at Princeton Data Source under the direction of Princeton Survey Research Associates International. A combination of landline and cell phone random digit dial samples were used; both samples were provided by Survey Sampling International. Interviews were conducted in English and Spanish. Respondents in the landline sample were selected by randomly asking for the youngest adult male or female who is now at home. Interviews in the cell sample were conducted with the person who answered the phone, if that person was an adult 18 years of age or older. For detailed information about our survey methodology, see http://pewresearch.org/pewresearch-org/politics/methodology/

The combined landline and cell phone sample are weighted using an iterative technique that matches gender, age, education, race, Hispanic origin and nativity, region, and population density to parameters from the March 2010 Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. The sample also is weighted to match current patterns of telephone status and relative usage of landline and cell phones (for those with both), based on extrapolations from the 2010 National Health Interview Survey. The weighting procedure also accounts for the fact that respondents with both landline and cell phones have a greater probability of being included in the combined sample and adjusts for household size within the landline sample. Sampling errors and statistical tests of significance take into account the effect of weighting. The following table shows the sample sizes and the error attributable to sampling that would be expected at the 95% level of confidence for different groups in the survey:

Sample sizes and sampling errors for other subgroups are available upon request.

In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.

To view the topline, download the full report.