1. Overview

While lopsided majorities of Hispanics and Asian Americans support creating a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants, two new surveys from the Pew Research Center also show that these groups believe it is more important for unauthorized immigrants to get relief from the threat of deportation.

By 55% to 35%, Hispanics say that they think being able to live and work in the United States legally without the threat of deportation is more important for unauthorized immigrants than a pathway to citizenship. Asian Americans hold a similar view, albeit by a smaller margin—49% to 44%.

Together Hispanics and Asian Americans account for two-thirds of the 28 million immigrants who are in the U.S. legally,¹ and Hispanics alone account for about three-quarters of the additional 11.7 million immigrants who, according to Pew Research Center estimates, are in the country illegally.

The U.S. Senate passed a bipartisan immigration reform bill during the summer, but the measure remains stalled in the Republican-led House of Representatives, where the provision that provides a 13-year pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants has emerged as the major sticking point.

Pro-immigration reform leaders staunchly support that provision, as do large majorities of Hispanics (89%) and Asian Americans (72%), according to the new Pew Research surveys. However, the findings from the same surveys of both groups show that, when dealing with the issue of unauthorized immigration, deportation relief is more important than a pathway to citizenship; this could conceivably create an opening for legislative compromise.

If the immigration bill dies, a plurality of Hispanics (43%) and Asian Americans (48%) say they would mostly blame Republicans in Congress. But sizable minorities of each group—34% of Hispanics and 29% of Asian Americans—say they would hold Democrats in Congress and/or President Obama mainly responsible.

Some 51% of the 35 million Hispanic adults in the U.S. are immigrants, as are 74% of the 12 million Asian-American adults (Pew Research Center’s Social & Demographic Trends Project, 2013). Both groups are growing rapidly, and both flexed their political muscles in 2012 by turning out in record numbers and giving more than 70% of their votes to Obama (Lopez and Gonzalez-Barrera, 2013).²

Immigrants in the U.S. fall broadly into one of three categories. They are either in the country illegally; are legal permanent residents; or are naturalized U.S. citizens. Those who are legal permanent residents are able to live and work in the U.S. legally (without fear of deportation) and to travel abroad, but are not afforded all the rights of U.S. citizenship. Naturalized U.S. citizens have all the benefits of legal permanent residency along with being able to vote in U.S. elections (in addition to other benefits).

Not all legal immigrants necessarily choose to become U.S. citizens. In a report published earlier this year (Gonzalez-Barrera, Lopez, Passel and Taylor, 2013), the Pew Research Center found that among all Hispanic immigrants who are in the U.S. legally, just 44% have become citizens; the remainder are legal permanent residents. Among legal immigrants from Mexico, which is by far the largest country of origin for Hispanic immigrants, just 36% have gone through the naturalization process and become U.S. citizens.

The surveys find that while large majorities of both groups say they have heard or seen at least a little about the legislation pending in Congress, roughly seven-in-ten Hispanics (67%) and Asian Americans (72%) also acknowledge they don’t know enough about the details of the bill to say if they support it or not.

Still, immigration reform is important to both groups. Seven-in-ten Hispanics (69%) say it is important to them that new immigration legislation pass this year, as do 44% of Asian Americans.

That 25 percentage point gap in the urgency with which the two groups view the reform legislation is likely related to the fact that many more Hispanics than Asian Americans are in the U.S. illegally. Since 2009, the Obama administration has been deporting a record number of unauthorized immigrants (nearly 400,000 per year), the vast majority of them Hispanic (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2012).³

According to the new Hispanic survey, about six-in-ten (59%) Hispanic immigrants and 46% of all Hispanics say they worry “a lot” or worry “some” that they themselves, a family member or a close friend could be deported. By contrast, just 18% of Asian-American immigrants and 16% of all Asian Americans say the same.

Immigrant Hispanics are especially supportive of deportation relief; by 61% to 27%, they say it is more important to unauthorized immigrants than having a pathway to citizenship. Among native-born Hispanics, these shares are 48% and 44%, respectively.

The new surveys also find that large shares of both Hispanics and Asian Americans see upsides to granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants, in addition to downsides. Majorities of both Hispanics (76%) and Asian Americans (59%) say that granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would strengthen the U.S. economy. And majorities of both groups (87% among Hispanics and 75% among Asian Americans) say doing so would improve the lives of undocumented immigrants. At the same time, majorities or pluralities of both groups say that granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would reward illegal behavior (53% among Hispanics and 48% among Asian Americans) and lead to more immigrants coming the U.S. illegally in the future (51% among Hispanics and 61% among Asian Americans).

How Well Does the U.S. Immigration System Work?

The two new surveys also asked respondents about their experiences with and assessments of a wide range of U.S. immigration system policies and practices.

Many more Asian Americans than Hispanics say they or their family members have had some personal experience with the U.S. immigration system—69% vs. 45%. This is not surprising given the greater share of Asian-American adults who are immigrants.

Hispanics are more likely than Asian Americans to say the U.S. immigration system needs to be “completely rebuilt” or needs “major changes”—62% of Hispanics say that, compared with 47% of Asian Americans.

Nonetheless, when asked about specific aspects of the U.S. immigration system, evaluations are generally positive for Latinos as well as Asian Americans. For example, on family reunification visas, 62% of Latinos say the system works “very well” or “somewhat well.” Among Asian Americans, 57% say the same. When it comes to getting legal permanent residency, three-in-four (74%) Hispanics and 69% of Asian Americans say the system works very well or somewhat well. Similar shares of Hispanics and Asians Americans say the same about the process for getting visas for high-skilled work or work visas for international students who want to stay and work in the U.S. after they graduate.

The Hispanic survey was conducted by landline and cellular telephone, in English and Spanish, from Oct. 16 to Nov. 3, 2013, among a nationally representative sample of 701 Hispanic adults. Its margin of error is plus or minus 4.4 percentage points at the 95% confidence level. The Asian-American survey was also conducted by landline and cellular telephone, in English as well as Vietnamese, Korean, Mandarin and Cantonese, from Oct. 16 to 31, 2013, among a nationally representative sample of 802 Asian-American adults. Its margin of error is plus or minus 5.0 percentage points at the 95% confidence level. For details on the surveys, see Appendix B.

Among the report’s other key findings:

Views of Current Immigration Policy Proposals in Congress

• Some 85% of Hispanics and 83% of Asian Americans approve of increasing the number of temporary work visas for highly skilled workers.
• Some 85% of Hispanics and 79% of Asian Americans say they approve of increasing the number of temporary work visas for agriculture and food industry workers.
• About seven-in-ten (68%) Hispanics and 73% of Asian Americans support a proposal to increase enforcement of immigration laws at U.S. borders.
• About six-in-ten (57%) Hispanics and 30% of Asian Americans say increasing the number of temporary work visas for agriculture and food service workers would help the U.S. economy “a great deal.” Half of Hispanics (52%) and Asian Americans (47%) say increasing the number of temporary work visas for high-skilled workers would help the U.S. economy a great deal.
• Among Hispanics, 32% say the issue of immigration is an “extremely important” one facing the nation today. Among Asian Americans, just 17% say the same.
• For both Hispanics and Asian Americans, the surveys find that among five domestic issues tested—jobs and the economy, education, health care, the federal budget deficit and immigration—immigration ranked last.
• Foreign-born Latinos are more likely than native-born Latinos to say it is important that significant new immigration legislation pass this year—80% vs. 57%.
• About four-in-ten (38%) Hispanics say the overall effect of unauthorized immigration on Hispanics already living in the U.S. has been positive, 26% say it has been negative and 31% say there has been no effect one way or the other.
• Among Hispanics, the foreign born are more likely than the native born to say the effect of unauthorized immigration on U.S. Hispanics has been positive—45% vs. 30%.
• Among Asian Americans, 21% say the effect of unauthorized immigration on Asian Americans already living in the U.S. has been positive, 25% say it has been negative and 44% say there has been no effect one way or the other.

The Relative Importance of the Immigration Issue

• Among Hispanics, 32% say the issue of immigration is an “extremely important” one facing the nation today. Among Asian Americans, just 17% say the same.
• For both Hispanics and Asian Americans, the surveys find that among five domestic issues tested—jobs and the economy, education, health care, the federal budget deficit and immigration—immigration ranked last.
• Foreign-born Latinos are more likely than native-born Latinos to say it is important that significant new immigration legislation pass this year—80% vs. 57%.

Effect of Unauthorized Immigration on Hispanics and Asian Americans Living in the U.S.

• About four-in-ten (38%) Hispanics say the overall effect of unauthorized immigration on Hispanics already living in the U.S. has been positive, 26% say it has been negative and 31% say there has been no effect one way or the other.
• Among Hispanics, the foreign born are more likely than the native born to say the effect of unauthorized immigration on U.S. Hispanics has been positive—45% vs. 30%.
• Among Asian Americans, 21% say the effect of unauthorized immigration on Asian Americans already living in the U.S. has been positive, 25% say it has been negative and 44% say there has been no effect one way or the other.

Politics, Satisfaction, Group Progress and Personal Finances

• Some 54% of Hispanics and 62% of Asian Americans say they approve of the way Barack Obama is handing his job as president. By contrast, just 41% of the general U.S. public say the same.⁴
• Majorities of Hispanics and Asian Americans say they are satisfied with their lives today—81% and 82%, respectively. This is similar to the 81% of the U.S. general public who say the same.
• Hispanics and Asian Americans are more likely than the U.S. general public to say they are satisfied with the way things are going in the country today—34% and 38%, respectively, vs. 14%.
• Overall, Asian Americans are more upbeat about their personal finances than the U.S. general public and Hispanics. Half (54%) say their finances are in “excellent shape” or “good shape.” By contrast, 40% of the U.S. general public and 37% of Hispanics say the same about their finances.

The two surveys explored Hispanics’ and Asian Americans’ views and awareness of new immigration legislation being considered by Congress. The surveys also asked respondents about how important it is that comprehensive immigration reform be passed this year—and who would be most responsible if it didn’t pass.

Following the New Immigration Legislation

According to the new surveys, about 26% of Hispanics and 19% of Asian Americans say they have heard “a lot” about the immigration legislation being considered by Congress. An additional 59% of Hispanics and 60% of Asians say they have seen or heard “a little” about it.

Among native-born Hispanics, 79% say they have seen or heard a lot or a little about new immigration legislation being considered. And fully 89% of immigrant Hispanics says they have seen or heard a lot or a little about the legislation.

Among immigrant Asian Americans, 80% have seen or heard a lot or a little about the new immigration legislation being considered by Congress. Some three-fourths (74%) of native-born Asian Americans say they have seen or heard a lot or a little about the legislation.

Support for the New Legislation

When asked if they favor or oppose the new immigration legislation being considered in Congress, or if they don’t know enough to say, 67% of Hispanics and 72% of Asian Americans say they don’t know enough about the new legislation to say. However, among those who do offer an opinion on the new legislation, Hispanics are more likely than Asian Americans to say they favor it—27% vs. 20%.

Views of the new immigration legislation tend to be associated with nativity for Hispanics and Asian Americans. Among Hispanics, 38% of the foreign born favor the new immigration legislation, more than double the share among the native born (15%). Similarly, immigrant Asian Americans are more than twice as likely as native-born Asian Americans (24% vs. 9%) to say they favor the new immigration legislation being considered by Congress.

Views about the new immigration legislation being considered by Congress are also associated with how much respondents have seen or heard about it. For example, among Hispanics who have seen or heard a lot about it, 46% say they favor the new legislation, 12% say they oppose it and 41% say they don’t know enough to say. Among Hispanics who have heard a little about the new legislation, 22% say they favor it, 3% say they oppose it and three-fourths (74%) say they don’t know enough about it to say.

For Asian Americans, the same is true. Among those who have heard or seen a lot about the immigration legislation being considered by Congress, 48% say they favor it, 13% oppose it and 37% say they don’t know enough about it to say. Among Asian Americans who have seen or heard a little about the new legislation, 16% say they favor it and 7% say they oppose it, while 77% say they don’t know enough about it to say.

Importance of Passing New Immigration Legislation This Year

The U.S. Congress has been considering immigration reform legislation throughout 2013. In June 2013, the U.S. Senate passed a comprehensive immigration reform bill—including a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants who meet certain requirements and pay fines. But since then, the legislation has remained stalled in the House of Representatives.

The two surveys asked respondents about the importance of passing new immigration legislation this year. Among Hispanics, 69% say it is “extremely” (38%) or “very” (31%) important that this happen. By contrast, just 44% of Asian Americans say the same.

Among both groups, immigrants are more likely than the native born to say it is at least very important that significant new immigration legislation be passed this year. Among Hispanics, eight-in-ten (80%) immigrants say this, compared with 57% of native-born Hispanics. Among Asian-American immigrants, half (49%) say it is at least very important that immigration legislation be passed this year. Among native-born Asian Americans, 31% say the same.

Among Latinos who say they have seen or heard “a lot” about the new immigration legislation, fully 83% say it is “extremely” (45%) or “very” (38%) important that it be passed this year. That share falls to 69% among those who say they have seen or heard “a little” about the new legislation (39% say extremely important and 30% say very important). And among Latinos who say they have seen or heard “nothing at all” about the new legislation, just 44% say it is extremely (20%) or very (25%) important that significant new immigration legislation be passed this year.

The Pew Research survey of Asian Americans shows a similar pattern. Among Asian Americans who say they have seen or heard a lot about the new immigration legislation, 57% say it is extremely (30%) or very (27%) important that it be passed this year. That share is 47% among those who say they have seen or heard a little about it (12% say extremely important and 35% say very important). The share falls to 27% among those who say they have heard or seen nothing at all about the new legislation (11% say extremely important and 16% say very important).

If Legislation Doesn’t Pass, Who Is Responsible—Republicans or Democrats?

The Pew Research surveys asked Latinos and Asian Americans who would be responsible if significant new immigration legislation does not pass this year. Overall, half (48%) of Asian Americans and 43% of Latinos say Republicans in Congress would be most responsible.

At the same time, about three-in-ten (29%) Asian Americans say either Democrats in Congress (12%) or President Obama (13%) or both (4% volunteered this response) would be most to blame. Among Latinos, one-third (34%) say either Democrats in Congress (15%) or President Obama (18%) or both (1%) would be most to blame.

The foreign born and the native born hold similar views about this. For example, among Asian Americans, 54% of the native born and 47% of the foreign born say Republicans in Congress would be most responsible if new immigration legislation does not pass this year. In addition, 26% of native-born Asian Americans and 31% of foreign-born Asian Americans say either Democrats in Congress, President Obama or both would be most responsible if significant new immigration legislation doesn’t pass this year.

Among Hispanics, 39% of the native born and 46% of the foreign born would blame Republicans in Congress if significant new immigration legislation does not pass this year. But a significant share—36% of the native born and 33% of the foreign born—say they would blame Democrats in Congress, President Obama or both.

Top Issues for Hispanics and Asian Americans

Hispanics and Asian-American respondents rate immigration as lower in importance for the nation today than four other domestic issues tested in the two new Pew Research Center surveys. Among Hispanics, the top-rated issue among the five tested is education. Among Asian Americans, the top-rated issue is jobs and the economy.

Each survey asked respondents to rate the importance of five domestic issues—jobs and the economy, education, health care, immigration and the federal government debt.

Education is considered an extremely important issue facing the country by about half (54%) of Hispanics. Jobs and the economy is regarded as an extremely important issue facing the country today by 47% of Hispanics, and health care by 41%. In addition, 38% of Hispanics say the federal government debt is an extremely important issue facing the nation today. Both survey data collections were fielded right as the U.S. federal government emerged from a two-week shutdown. About one-third (32%) of Latinos say immigration is an extremely important issue facing the country today.

Among Asian Americans, the highest rated issue is jobs and the economy—63% say this is an extremely important issue facing the country today. Next is education, with 56% of Asian Americans saying the issue is extremely important. That is followed by the federal government debt with 41% and health care with 40%. Overall, just 17% of Asian-American adults say immigration is an extremely important issue facing the country today.

For Hispanics, immigration has consistently rated lower than such issues as education, jobs and health care (Lopez and Gonzalez-Barrera, 2012; Lopez, 2010; Lopez and Livingston, 2009). However, the two new surveys also find that Hispanics are about twice as likely as Asian Americans to say immigration is an “extremely important” issue facing the nation today—32% vs. 17%.

Immigration as an issue is just as important for native-born Hispanics as it is for foreign-born Hispanics—33% and 30%, respectively, say the issue is an extremely important one facing the nation today. By contrast, among Asian Americans the native born are less likely than the foreign born to say immigration is an “extremely important” one facing the nation—7% vs. 20%.

Views of Specific Immigration Policy Proposals

Asian Americans and Hispanics express strong support for many of the immigration reform proposals being considered by Congress. Each survey asked respondents about creating a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants, increasing the number of temporary work visas for highly skilled workers, increasing the number of temporary work visas for agricultural and food industry workers, and increasing enforcement of immigration laws at U.S. borders.

Creating a Pathway to Citizenship

Fully 89% of Latinos support creating a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants who meet certain requirements, according to the survey. Among Latinos, immigrants are more likely than the native born to say they approve of this proposal—95% vs. 83%. Latinos make up about three-fourths of the nation’s estimated 11.7 million unauthorized immigrants (Passel, Cohn and Gonzalez-Barrera, 2013).

A majority of Asian Americans (72%) say they approve creating a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants if they meet certain requirements. Among Asian Americans, the native born are more likely than the foreign born to say they approve of this—85% vs. 68%.

Temporary Work Visas for Agriculture and Food Industry Workers

Some 85% of Latinos and 79% of Asian Americans say they approve of a proposal to increase the number of temporary work visas for agriculture and food industry workers. Support for this proposal is high among immigrants and the native born among both groups. About nine-in-ten (89%) immigrant Latinos and 80% of native-born Latinos say they approve of this proposal. A similar pattern exists among Asian Americans; 78% of immigrant Asian Americans and 83% of native-born Asian Americans say the same.

Temporary Work Visas for Highly Skilled Workers

Asian Americans and Hispanics support a proposal to increase the number of temporary work visas for highly skilled workers. Overall 83% of Asian Americans and 85% of Hispanics say they approve of this proposal. The native born and the foreign born are equally likely to support it. Some 84% of the native-born Asian Americans and 82% of immigrant Asian Americans say they approve of a proposal to increase the number of temporary work visas for highly skilled workers. Among Hispanics, 83% of the native born and 88% of the foreign born say the same.

Enforcement of Immigration Laws at U.S. Borders

When it comes to increasing enforcement of immigration laws at U.S. borders, the surveys find that two-thirds (68%) of Hispanics and 73% of Asian Americans say they approve of this proposal.

Among Hispanics, the native born are more likely than the foreign born to say they approve of increased enforcement of immigration laws at U.S. borders—74% vs. 63%. Among Asian Americans, two-thirds of the native born say this, as do 75% of the foreign born, though the difference is not statistically significant. However, as with Hispanics, large shares of each group of Asian Americans say they approve of increased border enforcement.

The Pew Research surveys asked Hispanic adults and Asian-American adults which, in their view, is more important for unauthorized immigrants currently living in the U.S.: “being able to live and work in the U.S. legally without the threat of being deported” or “having a pathway to citizenship for those who meet certain requirements.”

Among Hispanics, a larger share say it is more important that unauthorized immigrants be able to live and work in the U.S. without threat of deportation than say they should have a pathway to citizenship—55% vs. 35%. This view is more pronounced among immigrant Hispanics than it is among native-born Hispanics. Among them, 61% say being able to live and work in the U.S. without the threat of deportation is more important for unauthorized immigrant than having a pathway to citizenship. Meanwhile, just 27% say the opposite—that a pathway to citizenship is more important. Among native-born Hispanics, views are mixed—about half (48%) say it is more important that unauthorized immigrants be able to live and work in the U.S. legally, while 44% say it is more important that these immigrants have a pathway to citizenship.

Relative to Hispanics, views among Asian Americans are more closely divided. Half (49%) say it is more important for unauthorized immigrants to be able to live and work in the U.S. legally without the threat of being deported than having a pathway to citizenship. Some 44% hold the opposite view—that a path to citizenship is more important. When examined by nativity, views are similar—53% of the native-born Asian Americans and 48% of the foreign-born Asian Americans say being able to live and work in the U.S. legally is more important than having a pathway to citizenship.

Deportation Worries

According to the Pew Research survey of Hispanics, 46% say they worry “a lot” (25%) or “some” (21%) that they themselves, a family member or a close friend could be deported. By contrast, just 16% of Asian Americans say they worry a lot (8%) or some (8%) about deportation.

Overall deportation worries among Hispanics are down from 2010, when 52% said they worried a lot or some about the deportation of themselves, a family member or a close friend (Lopez, Taylor and Morin, 2010).

The Obama administration has deported nearly 400,000 unauthorized immigrants annually between 2009 and 2012 (Lopez and Gonzalez-Barrera, 2013b). Fully 97% of deportees in 2011 were from Latin America (Department of Homeland Security, 2012).

The decline in Latino deportation worries since 2010 is greatest among foreign-born Latinos. The new survey finds that 59% of immigrant Latinos say they worry a lot (34%) or some (25%) that they themselves, a family member or a close friend could be deported. In 2010, 68% said the same (Lopez, Taylor and Morin, 2010). Worries about deportation are unchanged among native-born Latinos; in both 2013 and 2010, 32% say they worry a lot or some that that themselves or someone they know may be deported.

By comparison, deportation worries are less prevalent among Asian Americans. Among immigrant Asian Americans, 18% say they worry a lot (9%) or some (9%) that they themselves or someone they know may be deported. That share is twice as high as the 9% of native-born Asian Americans who say the same.

Views of Unauthorized Immigrants

The surveys asked Hispanics and Asian Americans about their views of the impact of unauthorized immigration on Hispanics and Asian Americans already living in the U.S.

About four-in-ten (38%) Hispanics say the impact of unauthorized immigration on U.S. Hispanics has been positive, 26% say it has had a negative effect and 31% say it has had no effect one way or the other. These findings are little changed from a mid-2013 survey of Hispanic adults (Lopez and Gonzalez-Barrera, 2013c) but are improved compared with 2010, the last year Congress was considering significant new immigration legislation. At that time, 29% of Hispanic adults said the effect of unauthorized immigration on U.S. Hispanics was positive, 31% said negative and 30% said there was no effect one way or the other (Lopez, Taylor and Morin, 2010).

Immigrant Latinos are more likely than native-born Latinos to say unauthorized immigration has had a positive effect on Latinos already living in the U.S.—45% vs. 30%. By contrast, native-born Latinos are more likely than immigrant Latinos to say the impact of unauthorized immigration has been negative on U.S. Latinos (31% vs. 21%) or had no effect one way or the other (37% vs. 26%).

Among Asian Americans, 21% say the effect of unauthorized immigration on Asian Americans already living in the U.S. has been positive, one-quarter (25%) say it has been negative and 44% say there has been no effect one way or the other. These views are similar among Asian-American immigrants and native-born Asian Americans—for example, some 42% of immigrants and 50% of the native born say the impact of unauthorized immigration on Asian Americans already in the U.S. has had no effect one way or the other.

The surveys explored two possible reasons that the impact of unauthorized immigration on their respective communities in the U.S. is negative. Among Hispanics who say this, six-in-ten (60%) say one important reason for this is that unauthorized immigrants create a negative perception of U.S. Hispanics. Among this same group of Hispanics, half (51%) say unauthorized immigrants taking jobs away from Hispanics already living in the U.S. is another important reason for their negative effect.

Among Asian Americans who say the effect of unauthorized immigration on their community is negative, 61% say an important reason is that unauthorized immigrants take jobs away from Asian Americans already in the U.S. And 61% of this group say another important reason is that unauthorized immigrants create a negative perception of Asian Americans already living in the U.S.

Expected Effects of Granting Legal Status to Unauthorized Immigrants

The survey explored the views of Asian Americans and Hispanics on what might happen to the U.S. if unauthorized immigrants were granted legal status. Respondents in both surveys were asked if they thought granting legal status to most of the nation’s 11.7 million unauthorized immigrants would improve the lives of unauthorized immigrants in the U.S., strengthen the U.S. economy, lead to more people coming to the U.S. illegally and reward illegal behavior.

Expected Effect on the Lives of Unauthorized Immigrants Living in the U.S.

The surveys also asked respondents if they thought granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would improve the lives of unauthorized immigrants. Fully 87% of Hispanics say yes, it would, as do three-fourths (75%) of Asian Americans. Hispanic immigrants are most likely to hold this view—94% say this, compared with 79% of U.S.-born Hispanics.

Among Asian Americans, the native born and foreign born are as likely to say granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would improve the lives of unauthorized immigrants—79% vs. 74%.

Expected Effect on the U.S. Economy

When asked if they thought granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would strengthen the U.S. economy, 76% of Latinos and 59% of Asian Americans say yes, it would. This view is strongest among foreign-born Latinos, among whom 86% say that granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would strengthen the U.S. economy. Among U.S.-born Latinos, two-thirds (65%) say the same.

Among Asian Americans, 60% of the foreign born and 54% of the native born say granting legal status to undocumented immigrants would strengthen the U.S. economy.

Expected Effect on Unauthorized Immigration

Half (51%) of Hispanics say that they thought granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would lead to more people coming to the U.S. illegally. Among native-born Hispanics, 57% say this would happen if unauthorized immigrants were granted legal status and 38% say it would not. By contrast, foreign-born Hispanics are closely split on the same question—45% say granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would lead to more people coming to the U.S. illegally and 47% say it would not.

Among Asian Americans, 61% say more people would come to the U.S. illegally if unauthorized immigrants were granted legal status. Immigrant Asian Americans and native-born Asian Americans are about as likely—62% and 57%, respectively—to say more people would come to the U.S. illegally if unauthorized immigrants were granted legal status.

Rewarding Illegal Behavior

When asked if granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would reward illegal behavior, 53% of Latinos say yes, it would. A greater share of foreign-born Latinos hold this view than native-born Latinos—62% versus 42%.

Among Asian Americans, views are more mixed. Overall, 48% say granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would reward illegal behavior, while 44% say it would not. Among foreign-born Asian Americans, about half (49%) say granting legal status to unauthorized immigrants would reward illegal behavior.

In 2012, the U.S. admitted more than a million immigrants through its legal permanent residence program and granted temporary visas to an additional 3 million foreign workers and their families. By far, Hispanics and Asian Americans make up the largest groups of these immigrants (Department of Homeland Security, 2012).

The two Pew Research surveys asked Hispanics and Asian-American respondents about their views of the U.S. immigration system, their experiences with it, and whether the system is working well or needs to be overhauled. The surveys also asked respondents about legal immigration and its impacts on the U.S. and its economy. Generally, Hispanics and Asian Americans express positive attitudes about the current level of U.S. legal immigration and the effect it has on the nation. However, many in each group say the current immigration system needs to be “completely rebuilt” or needs “major changes.”

Views of U.S. Legal Immigration

When asked if legal immigration into the U.S. should be increased, decreased or kept at its current level, 40% of Hispanics and 43% of Asian Americans say legal immigration levels should be increased. An additional 37% of Hispanics and 39% of Asian Americans say legal immigration should be kept at its current level. Small shares of both Hispanics and Asian Americans say the current level of legal immigration should be decreased—19% and 12%, respectively.

Immigrant Latinos and Latinos born in the U.S. showed similar preferences for maintaining the current level of legal immigration to the U.S.—40% and 34%, respectively. Among Latinos, similar shares of immigrants and the native born also say that present levels of legal immigration should be either increased (41% and 40%, respectively) or decreased (15% and 22%, respectively).

Some 44% of Asian-American immigrants say the level of legal immigration to the U.S. should be increased, 35% say it should be kept at its current level and 14% say it should be decreased. Among the native born, 40% say legal immigration should be increased, 48% say it should be kept at its current level and 6% say it should be decreased.

Effect of Legal Immigration

When asked about the impact of legal immigration on the U.S., both Hispanics and Asian Americans express positive views. Among Hispanics, about six-in-ten (59%) say legal immigration has a positive effect on the U.S. About seven-in-ten (69%) Asian Americans say the same.

Among Hispanics, views of the impact of legal immigration on the country differ significantly by a respondent’s nativity. Seven-in-ten (70%) foreign-born Hispanics say the impact of legal immigration on the U.S. is positive. By comparison, about half (48%) of Hispanics who were born in the U.S. say the effect of legal immigration on the U.S. has been positive.

Among Asian Americans, there are no statistically significant differences by nativity on this question. Overall, 68% of the foreign born and 69% of the native born say legal immigration to the U.S. has a positive effect on the country.

Effect of Increasing Temporary Work Visas on the U.S. Economy

The surveys also explored the views of Hispanics and Asian Americans on what effect increasing the number of work visas for highly skilled immigrants and immigrants working in agriculture and food industries would have on the U.S. economy. Overall, both groups say that increasing both types of work visas would help the U.S. economy.

About eight-in-ten (82%) Latino respondents say that increasing the number of visas for temporary workers in the agriculture and food industry would help the U.S. economy—57% say it would help “a great deal” and 25% say it would help “some.” Immigrant Latinos are more positive on their evaluation of the impact of increasing this type of work visa than their U.S.-born counterparts—67% of Latino immigrants believe doing this would help the U.S. economy a great deal; just 46% of native-born Hispanics say the same.

Among Asian Americans, 73% say that increasing the number of visas for agriculture and food industry workers would help the U.S. economy a great deal (30%) or some (43%). However, Asian Americans are about half as likely as Hispanics to say the impact of increasing this type of work visa would do a great deal of good for the U.S. economy (30% vs. 57%).

As with Hispanics, immigrant Asian Americans are more positive on their evaluation of the impact of these work permits than are native-born Asian Americans—33% of immigrants say the impact would help the U.S. economy a great deal, compared with 23% of the native born who say the same.

When asked about the effect that increasing the number of temporary work permits for high-skilled workers would have on the U.S. economy, large shares of both groups say the effect would help the economy. About eight-in-ten (80%) Latinos say that increasing the number of visas for temporary high-skilled workers would help the U.S. economy a great deal (52%) or some (28%). Immigrant Latinos are more positive on their evaluation of the impact of increasing this type of temporary work permit than their U.S.-born counterparts—60% of Hispanic immigrants believe it would help the economy a great deal, compared with 43% of native-born Hispanics.

Among Asian Americans, 80% say that increasing the number of visas for highly skilled workers would help the U.S. economy either a great deal (47%) or some (34%). Asian Americans who are themselves immigrants are more positive than native-born Asian Americans on their evaluation of the impact of these work permits—51% of immigrants say “a great deal,” compared with 35% of the native born.

Asian Americans are 17 percentage points more likely to say the U.S. economy would benefit a great deal from increasing the number of temporary visas for high-skilled workers than from increasing the number of temporary visas for agriculture or food service workers. Half (47%) of Asian Americans say more high-skilled immigration would help U.S. economy a great deal. By comparison, only three-in-ten (30%) Asian Americans say the same about increasing the number of temporary agriculture and food service workers.

Experience with and Ratings of the U.S. Immigration System

A person might come in contact with the U.S. immigration system in several ways. Foreign nationals use the system to gain entry to the U.S. through a number of temporary visa programs and may later use the system to acquire permanent resident status. Legal immigrants may use the system to renew their resident’s card and may also sponsor a close relative to immigrate into the U.S. Americans may also come in contact with the system by sponsoring a foreign national either to come work in the U.S. (as an employee) or to migrate to the U.S. (as a spouse or other immediate relative).

Large majorities of both Hispanics (84%) and Asian Americans (86%) say they have some knowledge regarding the U.S. immigration system. However, the self-reported level of knowledge among these two groups varies significantly—34% of Asian Americans say they know “a lot” about the system, while only 23% of Hispanics say the same.

Foreign-born Asian Americans are significantly more likely than their native-born counterparts to say they knew a lot about the U.S. immigration system—41% vs. 13%. In addition, 24% of native-born Asian Americans and 9% of the foreign born say they know “nothing at all” about the immigration system.

Among Hispanics, there was no difference between nativity groups regarding their reported knowledge of the U.S. immigration system. About six-in-ten Latinos, immigrant or native born, say they know “a little” about the immigration system, and about a quarter say they know a lot about the system.

When asked about personal experience with the U.S. immigration system, Asian Americans were more likely than Hispanics to say they themselves or a member of their family have used its services. About seven-in-ten (69%) Asian Americans say this, while among Hispanic respondents, only 45% say the same. Differences between Hispanics and Asian Americans may reflect the different nativity makeup of each group—three-quarters (74%) of Asian-American adults are immigrants, while about half (51%) of Hispanic adults are immigrants.

Findings also vary by nativity. Immigrant Hispanics are more likely than Hispanics who are native born (57% vs. 33%) to say they or family members have personal experience using the U.S. immigration system.

Among Asian Americans, 62% of the native born and 72% of the foreign born say they themselves or a family member have personal experience using the services of the U.S. immigration system. This difference is not statistically significant.

Overall, 59% of Asian Americans say they themselves or a family member had been to a U.S. immigration office or had an in-person interview with employees of the U.S. immigration system in the past. A smaller share of Hispanics (38%) say the same.

The surveys also explored whether or not Hispanics and Asian Americans thought the U.S. immigration system was in need of reform, regardless of whether they had much knowledge of the U.S. immigration system.

Six-in-ten (62%) Latinos say the U.S. immigration system either “needs to be completely rebuilt” (23%) or is in need of “major changes” (39%). Conversely, only about a third of Latinos (34%) say the system “works pretty well and needs only minor changes.” Interestingly, native-born Latinos are more likely than Latino immigrants to say the U.S. immigration system needs to be completely rebuilt or is in need of major changes—70% vs. 54%.

The Hispanic survey also finds experience with the U.S. immigration system is not related to Hispanics’ views of whether U.S. immigration system needs changes. Among Hispanics who have had personal or family experience with the immigration system, 60% say the system needs to be completely rebuilt or needs major changes. Among Latinos who have no experience with the U.S. immigration system, a similar share (64%) says the same.

Asian Americans’ attitudes on the need for reform of the U.S. immigration system are split—47% say the system needs to be rebuilt or needs major changes, while 45% say it needs only minor changes. However, 56% of native-born Asian Americans say that the system needs to be completely rebuilt or needs major changes, compared with a plurality (44%) of foreign-born Asian Americans who say the same.

Just as with Latinos, Asian Americans’ assessments of the U.S. immigration system do not depend on experience with the system. Among Asian Americans who have interacted with the system, 51% say the system needs to be completely rebuilt or needs major changes. Among Asian Americans who have not interacted with the system, 40% say the same.

Although Hispanics are more likely than Asian Americans to say that the U.S. immigration system needs to be completely rebuilt or needs major changes, they are also more likely than Asian Americans to say that specific parts of the system—to obtain visas or get a green card for example—work “very well.”

When it comes to getting family reunification visas, 31% of Hispanics say the U.S. immigration system works very well. By comparison, just 21% of Asian Americans say the same.

Similarly, Hispanics are more likely than Asian Americans to say the system for getting visas for high-skilled jobs works very well—36% vs. 27%. And when it comes to applying for legal permanent residency, 35% of Hispanics say the system works very well, compared with 19% of Asian Americans who say the same. Finally, the surveys find that 37% of Hispanics compared with 24% of Asian Americans say the system works very well for getting work visas for international students who want to stay and work in the U.S. after they complete their degrees.

Immigrant Latinos are more likely than U.S.-born Latinos to say these specific processes work very well. Significant shares of foreign-born Hispanics ranging from 43% to 49% say each one of the aspects of the legal immigration system asked about works very well. This compares with smaller shares of native-born Hispanics who say the same (between 17% and 28% for each of these aspects).

Just as with Hispanics, foreign-born Asian Americans are more likely than their native-born counterparts to say these specific parts of the immigration system in the U.S. work very well.

Hispanics and Asian Americans are more likely than the general U.S. public to vote for the Democratic Party, to express greater approval of President Obama, and to express greater satisfaction with the general direction of the country. The two surveys also find that Hispanics and Asian Americans—the two groups at the center of the modern U.S. immigration wave—have more in common with one another on these political and personal measures than they do with the rest of the American public.

Assessing the Parties and the President

The gaps between Hispanics and Asian Americans and the general U.S. public are especially striking on the political front. For example, a year after Hispanics and Asian Americans voted for Democrat Barack Obama over Republican Mitt Romney by lopsided margins (71%-27% and 73%-26%, respectively, compared with 51%-47% among all voters), the new Pew Research survey finds that both groups continue to see the Democratic Party as much more attuned than the Republicans to their issues and concerns.⁵

Just 39% of Hispanics and 42% of Asian Americans say that the Republican Party cares “a lot” or “some” about the issues and concerns of their respective communities, while 72% of Hispanics and 71% of Asian Americans say the same about the Democratic Party. Overall, Hispanics are about twice as likely as Asian Americans to say the Democratic Party cares a lot about the issues and concerns of their respective communities—27% vs. 15%.

Even though the Obama administration has come under criticism from some for increasing the number of deportations of unauthorized immigrants and failing to deliver a comprehensive immigration bill, about three-quarters of Hispanics (76%) and Asian Americans (72%) say that the administration cares a lot or some about the concerns of their communities. However, just as with their views of the Democratic Party, Hispanics are about twice as likely as Asian Americans to say the Obama administration cares a lot about the issues and concerns of their groups—31% vs. 17%.

As for Obama’s job performance, some 62% of Asian Americans and 54% of Hispanics approve of the way he is handling his job as president. By comparison, just 41% of the American public approves of the job the president is doing (Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, 2013c). There are no differences between the native born and the foreign born within those two communities, but there are predictable partisan differences, with the Republican or Republican-leaning members of the groups much less inclined than the Democratic or Democratic-leaning members to approve of the president’s job performance.

Assessing Self and Country

Hispanics and Asian Americans are just as positive about their own lives as the U.S. general public, but Hispanics and Asian Americans are more positive than all Americans about the general direction of the country.

Some eight-in-ten Hispanics (81%) and Asian Americans (82%) say they are satisfied with the way things are going in their life today, similar to the 81% of all American adults who feel the same way. There are no differences on this question by nativity.

Hispanics and Asian Americans are not nearly as upbeat about the overall direction of the country as they are about their own lives. About one-third (34%) of Hispanics and 38% of Asian Americans say they are “satisfied with the way things are going in this country today,” while 60% and 54%, respectively, say they are dissatisfied.

Within both groups, levels of satisfaction with the nation’s direction are higher among the foreign born than they are among the native born. Among Latinos, the foreign born are nearly twice as likely as the native born (44% vs. 23%) to say they are satisfied with the country’s direction today. Findings for Asian Americans are similar—43% of the foreign born and 26% of the native born say they are satisfied with the nation’s direction today.

On this measure, once again, there are substantial differences in the evaluations of Hispanics and Asian Americans and those of the general public. Just 14% of the general public is satisfied with the way things are going in the country today, according to a separate Pew Research Center survey conducted in October (Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, 2013b).

On self-assessments of personal finances, about half of Asian Americans (54%) describe their personal financial situation as “excellent” or “good,” while only about a third of Hispanics (37%) say the same. Hispanics closely resemble the general U.S. public on this question—some 40% of members of the general public say their finances are excellent or good (Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, 2013a).

Among Hispanics, the native born are more inclined than the foreign born to describe their finances in positive terms (44% vs. 30%). Among Asian Americans, there is no gap between the native born and the foreign born.

Group Progress

The surveys asked Hispanic and Asian-American respondents whether they believed the situation of their group in the U.S. has gotten better, worse or stayed the same in the past year. Majorities of both groups say it has stayed the same, but this view is more prevalent among Asian Americans than Hispanics—71% vs. 58%.

Hispanics are more likely than Asian Americans to say things have gotten better for their group—25% vs. 16%. But Hispanics are also more likely than Asian Americans to say things have worsened in the past year—15% vs. 7%.

The share of Latinos who say things have gotten better for their group in the past year is the highest recorded by a Pew Research survey since 2007, before the Great Recession. Then, 26% of Latino adults said the same (Pew Hispanic Center, 2007). In surveys taken in 2008 and again in 2011, more Latinos said things were getting worse than said things were getting better.⁶

In the latest survey, foreign-born Hispanics were more likely than the native born to say things had gotten better for their group in the past year—29% vs. 20%. More of the foreign born than the native born also said things had gotten worse, 17% vs. 13%, but this difference falls short of statistical significance.

Gonzalez-Barrera, Ana, Mark Hugo Lopez, Jeffrey S. Passel and Paul Taylor. 2013. “The Path Not Taken: Two-thirds of Legal Mexican Immigrants are not U.S. Citizens.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, February.

Lopez, Mark Hugo. 2013. “Three-Fourths of Hispanics Say Their Community Needs a Leader; Most Latinos Cannot Name One.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, October.

Lopez, Mark Hugo. 2010. “Latinos and the 2010 Elections: Strong Support for Democrats; Weak Voter Motivation.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, October.

Lopez, Mark Hugo and Ana Gonzalez-Barrera. 2013a. “Inside the 2012 Latino Electorate.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, June.

Lopez, Mark Hugo and Ana Gonzalez-Barrera. 2013b. “High Rate of Deportations Continue under Obama despite Latino Disapproval.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center, September.

Lopez, Mark Hugo and Ana Gonzalez-Barrera. 2013c. “Latinos’ View Illegal Immigration’s Impact on Their Community Improve.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, October.

Lopez, Mark Hugo and Ana Gonzalez-Barrera. 2012. “Latino Voters Support Obama by 3-1 Ratio, But Are Less Certain than Others about Voting.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, October.

Lopez, Mark Hugo, Ana Gonzalez-Barrera and Seth Motel. 2011. “As Deportations Rise to Record Levels, Most Latinos Oppose Obama’s Policy: President’s Approval Rating Drops, but He Leads 2012 Rivals.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, December.

Lopez, Mark Hugo and Gretchen Livingston. 2009. “Hispanics and the New Administration; Immigration Slips as a Top Priority.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, January.

Lopez, Mark Hugo, Rich Morin and Paul Taylor. 2010. “Illegal Immigration Backlash Worries, Divides Latinos.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, October.

Lopez, Mark Hugo and Susan Minushkin. 2008. “Hispanics See Their Situation in U.S. Deteriorating; Oppose Key Immigration Enforcement Measures.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, September.

Passel, Jeffrey S., D’Vera Cohn and Ana Gonzalez-Barrera. 2013. “Population Decline of Unauthorized Immigrants Stalls, May Have Reversed; New Estimate: 11.7 Million in 2012.” Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project, September.

Pew Research Center for the People & the Press. 2013a. “Obama Job Approval Holds Steady, Economic Views Improve; Obama Rated Positively on Terrorism, Negatively on Civil Liberties.” Washington, D.C.: June.

Pew Research Center for the People & the Press. 2013b. “As Debt Limit Deadline Nears, Concern Ticks Up But Skepticism Persists; Despite Image Problems, GOP Holds Ground on Key Issues.” Washington, D.C.: October.

Pew Research Center for the People & the Press. 2013c. “Obama’s Second-Term Slide Continues; 65% Disapprove of His Handling of Economy.” Washington, D.C.: November.

Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project. 2007. “2007 National Survey of Latinos: As Illegal Immigration Issue Heats Up, Hispanics Feel a Chill.” Washington, D.C.: December.

Pew Research Center’s Social & Demographic Trends Project. 2013. “Second-Generation Americans: A Portrait of the Adult Children of Immigrants.” Washington, D.C.: February.

Pew Research Center’s Social & Demographic Trends Project. 2012. “The Rise of Asian Americans.” Washington, D.C.: June.

U.S. Department of Homeland Security. 2012. 2011 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics. Washington, D.C.: September.

Survey data in this report are based on two Pew Research Center surveys conducted with a nationally representative sample of either Hispanics or Asian Americans.

Differences between groups or subgroups, such as foreign-born and native-born Hispanics or foreign-born and native-born Asian Americans, or between Asian Americans and Hispanics, are described in this report only when the differences are statistically significant and therefore unlikely to occur by chance. Complex survey designs and weighting procedures affect variance estimates and, as a result, influence tests of significance and confidence intervals surrounding such tests. Statistical tests of significance take into account the complex sampling design used for these surveys and the effect of weighting.

Survey Data: Hispanics

The nationally representative survey of Hispanics was conducted in both English and Spanish on cellular as well landline telephones with 701 Hispanic adults, ages 18 and older, living in the United States. The survey was conducted from Oct. 16 to Nov. 3, 2013, in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Interviews were conducted for the Pew Research Center by Social Science Research Solutions (SSRS) with a staff of bilingual interviewers; respondents could choose to be interviewed in English or Spanish or switch between languages during the interview. About half of the interviews (49%) were conducted in English and about half (51%) in Spanish.

The margin of sampling error for results based on the total sample of 701 Hispanic adults is plus or minus 4.4 percentage points at the 95% level of confidence. This means that in 95 out of every 100 samples drawn using the same methodology, estimated proportions based on the entire sample will be no more than 4.4 percentage points away from their true values in the population. Results based on subgroups will have larger margins of error. In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.

Sample Design

The sample was drawn from two sources. One sample source came from recontacting respondents or other Hispanics in households who completed the 2013 Pew Research Center survey of Hispanics that was conducted from May 24 to July 28, 2013. Eligible respondents or other household members were recontacted and asked to complete this survey after rescreening the household for an eligible Hispanic adult and for those on landlines, a random selection of respondent to interview. Eligible respondents/households are those from all strata that used random digit dial sampling in the originating survey (N=2,000). The originating survey used a stratified sampling design with oversampling (i.e., geographic-based disproportionate sampling) in areas with higher incidence of Latinos. For more details on the methodology of the originating survey, see Appendix A in “Three-Fourths of Hispanics Say Their Community Needs a Leader.”

A second sample source came from Hispanics who participated in the EXCEL omnibus survey conducted by SSRS. The EXCEL omnibus survey is a weekly survey of U.S. adults covering a variety of topics. The sample design is a fully replicated, stratified, single-stage random digit dialing sample of telephone households with random selection of an eligible respondent in each household. Each week a minimum of 1,000 interviews are completed and at least 40% of completed interviews are done with respondents on their cellphone. Hispanics completing the EXCEL omnibus survey also completed this survey.

Weighting

Several stages of statistical adjustment or weighting are used to account for the complex nature of the sample design and to ensure an accurate representation of the national Hispanic population. The first stage of weighting accounted for the base weights of respondents/households in the originating survey and a propensity weight adjustment associated with recontacting previously interviewed households. The weighting procedures also included an adjustment for unequal probability of selection for those in the EXCEL omnibus sample found to possess both a landline and a cellphone and an adjustment for the likelihood of within household selection for those with multiple adults in the EXCEL omnibus landline sample.

In addition, the data were put through a post-stratification sample balancing routine to population totals for the U.S. Hispanic adult population based on the 2012 U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey, March Supplement and for phone use parameters, the 2010 National Health Interview Survey, projected to 2013. Iterative proportional fitting technique, or raking, corrects for differential nonresponse that is related to particular demographic characteristics of the sample. This weight ensures that the demographic characteristics of the sample closely approximate the demographic characteristics of the population. The variables matched to population parameters were: gender, education, age, Census region, heritage, U.S. born or years in the U.S., phone use (i.e., cellphone only, cellphone mostly, mixed/landline only/landline mostly), and density of the Hispanic population. Following raking, the weights were trimmed to control the variance created by the weight.

Survey Data: Asian Americans

The nationally representative survey of Asian Americans was conducted with 802 Asian-American adults, ages 18 and older, living in the United States. The survey was conducted Oct. 16-31, 2013, in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Interviews were conducted for the Pew Research Center by Abt SRBI. The survey was conducted in English as well as Vietnamese, Korean, Mandarin and Cantonese.

Respondents who identified as “Asian or Asian American, such as Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Japanese, Korean, or Vietnamese” were eligible to complete the survey interview, including those who identified with more than one race and regardless of Hispanic ethnicity. The question on racial identity also offered the following categories: white, black or African American, American Indian or Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander.

The margin of sampling error for results based on the total sample of 802 Asian-American adults is plus or minus 5.0 percentage points at the 95% level of confidence. This means that in 95 out of every 100 samples drawn using the same methodology, estimated proportions based on the entire sample will be no more than 5.0 percentage points away from their true values in the population. Results based on subgroups will have larger margins of error. In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.

U.S. Asian groups, subgroups, heritage groups and country-of-origin groups are used interchangeably in this report to reference respondents’ self-classification into “specific Asian groups.” This self-identification may or may not match respondents’ country of birth or their parents’ country of birth. Self-classification is based on responses to an open-ended question asking for a respondent’s “specific Asian group.” Asian groups named in this open-ended question were “Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, or of some other Asian background.” Respondents self-identified in more than 20 Asian heritage groups; this self-classification was unrelated to eligibility for the survey.

Sample Design

The survey was conducted using a probability sample based on recontacting eligible respondents or other Asian Americans in households from previous Pew Research Center surveys. There were three sources of recontact cases for this survey.

One sample source came from recontacting respondents or other Asian Americans in households that completed the Pew Research Center 2012 Survey of Asian Americans. Eligible respondents or other household members were recontacted and asked to complete this survey after rescreening the household for an eligible Asian-American adult. Eligible respondents/households are those from all strata using random digit dial sampling in the originating survey. For more details on the methodology of the originating survey, see Appendix 1: Survey Methodology in the “The Rise of Asian Americans.”

A second source of recontact cases came from Asian Americans interviewed as part of a brief screener survey for a Pew Research Center survey of American Jews in 2013. The third source of recontact cases came from Asian Americans interviewed in other prior Pew Research Center surveys conducted during 2012 or 2013. Eligible respondents or other household members were recontacted and asked to complete this survey after rescreening the household for an eligible Asian-American adult.

Surveying in Multiple Languages

The survey was conducted in English as well as Vietnamese, Korean, Mandarin and Cantonese. Approximately 86% of Asian Americans in the random digit dial sampling strata of the originating survey (the 2012 Survey of Asian Americans) were interviewed in English. And all of those in the other recontact sample sources completed at least a brief interview in English. Thus, a high share of English-proficient adults was expected to complete the current survey and, indeed, 95% of the completed interviews were conducted in English. To adjust for differential nonresponse of Asian Americans with limited English proficiency, the survey included two questions also asked on the American Community Survey about the use of multiple languages in the household and the respondent’s self-reported English-language skills. As noted below, these responses were used to balance the sample to match national Asian-American adult population parameters on English-language skills.

Weighting

Several stages of statistical adjustment or weighting are used to account for the complex nature of the sample design and to ensure an accurate representation of the national Asian-American population. The weights account for numerous factors, including (1) differential rates of selection in the original surveys in which each recontact case was sampled; (2) an adjustment for numbers with unknown eligibility for the present survey; (3) an adjustment for nonresponse to the original survey; (4) an adjustment for unequal probability of selection for those with multiple cellphones used by adults in the household; and (5) an adjustment for the likelihood of within household selection in the landline sampling frames with multiple eligible adults. An additional adjustment was made to account for the overlap between cellphone and landline random digit dial sampling frames.

In addition, the data were put through a post-stratification sample balancing routine to population totals for the U.S. Asian adult population based on the 2011 American Community Survey public use microdata (ACS PUMS). Iterative proportional fitting technique, or raking, corrects for differential nonresponse that is related to particular demographic characteristics of the sample. This weight ensures that the demographic characteristics of the sample closely approximate the demographic characteristics of the population. The variables matched to population parameters were: heritage group x nativity, heritage group x gender x age, heritage group x gender x education, heritage group x census region, English-language skills, gender x age, gender x education, and education x age. Heritage group included seven categories: Chinese, Filipino, Asian Indian, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, and other Asian or multiple Asian heritage. For some parameters, Vietnamese heritage was combined with other Asian/multiple Asian heritage. In addition, the sample was balanced to match Asian-American adult telephone service estimates based on the 2012 National Health Interview Survey. After raking, the weights were trimmed to control the variance created by the weights and to improve the precision of the weighted survey estimates.