Introduction and Summary

Americans see the 20th century as a time of great economic, social and technological progress. As individuals, as families, as members of various social and demographic groups, nearly two-thirds of Americans say they have improved their circumstances since the 1950s, and even larger numbers see economic and social gains for many segments of society over the past half-century.

Science and technology are widely seen as the engines of the century’s economic prosperity. Americans point to advancements in these fields as principal reasons for improvements in their own family’s well-being, and they celebrate the inventions and conveniences of the 20th century. A host of innovations ranging from the automobile to birth control pills to the Internet are lauded for making life today better.

When considering America’s collective achievements, overwhelming majorities credit the Constitution, free elections and the free enterprise system for the nation’s successes of the past 100 years. It is the system — along with the culture and character of the American people — that fosters our progress, not mere good luck or even deeply-held religious beliefs.

Yet beneath this picture of economic well-being and national accomplishment, there is a parallel story not nearly so triumphant. Most Americans do not see life in the United States overall as any better at the close of the century than it was in the 1950s. A substantial minority — three-in-ten people — say it’s even worse. Further muddying the picture, today’s teenagers are one of two groups that the public sees as worse off than their peers of 50 years ago.

Misgivings about America today are focused on the moral climate, with people from all walks of life looking skeptically on the ways in which the country has changed both culturally and spiritually. While the civil rights movement and women in the workplace are uniformly endorsed, many other social trends, including the growth of the suburbs and rock music, get a mixed review, and still others are lamented, including the greater acceptance of divorce and legalized abortion.

The distinction that the public makes between material achievements and societal shortcomings is apparent throughout the Pew Research Center survey examining the 20th century. For instance, new technologies — the space program, computers, medical breakthroughs — are seen as America’s greatest achievements of the past 100 years, while moral decline is prominent on the list of failures.

These are the principal findings of a Pew Research Center nationwide survey of 1,546 adults conducted April 6 through May 6, 1999 — a period punctuated by the shootings at a high school in Littleton, Colorado. While few differences were observed between the results before and after the tragedy, those that were noted underscore the central finding that the good life today is being tarnished by moral decay. After the Littleton incident, a significant drop was observed in the way the public views life in America overall, and an increase was seen in the number of people who say that life for teenagers is worse today than it was in the 1950s. A summary of the survey findings follows, with detailed analysis beginning on page 5.

Families Doing Better

One of the most striking findings in the survey is the gap between how Americans positively view their own lives compared to their more muted perspective on life in America overall. While 63% say their own lives are better than that of their families in 1950, only 44% say that life in the U.S. improved during that period. To the public, the success of the sum is less than that of its constituent parts.

Among those who rate their own lives as better than their family members in the 1950s, the economy, modern conveniences and technology are most often cited as the reasons why. Consistent with this rationale, the view that life for one’s family has improved is especially prevalent among the wealthy and those with at least some college training. Americans with annual incomes of less than $20,000 form the only significant demographic group in which a majority does not see their own lives as better than those of their predecessors.

Among those who rate life in the U.S. as worse, the moral climate is to blame. Overwhelmingly, people in this group mention factors such as crime, family breakdown, lack of respect, and drugs as the causes for the decline. Even the minority who rate their own lives as worse blame moral breakdown for their problems as often as they do economic woes.

A majority of the public overall sees teenagers, who are potentially most vulnerable to these problems, as worse off now than their counterparts were in previous generations. This evaluation of the quality of life for teens is particularly noteworthy because among 15 major social groups tested, today’s adolescents and farmers are the only groups that Americans see as worse off today.

By large margins, the public sees the lives of almost every other group as improved since the 1950s. Women, the disabled, African Americans, Hispanics, gays and lesbians, senior citizens, and the working class are all seen as better off at the end of the century, with only small minorities saying any of these groups is worse off. Historically considered disadvantaged, many of these groups benefited from the social and economic changes of the latter part of the century and received some measure of government protection.

Successes as Old as the Constitution, as New as Technology

Despite today’s political cynicism, Americans are near unanimous in crediting the system for the country’s accomplishments. Indeed, more than eight-in-ten people say the Constitution, free elections and the free market are the reasons for the nation’s success. The country’s natural resources and its human resources — the cultural diversity and character of the American people — are also acknowledged as keys to U.S. success.

When Americans today think about the nation’s accomplishments during the 20th century, about how life has improved, and even about the government’s successes, technology is the answer. Nothing else is close — not winning the conflicts that defined America in this century (the World Wars or the Cold War), not the civil rights movement that recast society, not the Social Security program that lifted so many seniors out of poverty.

The space program is cited as the country’s single greatest achievement of the century, and inventions as old as the radio and as recent as the Internet are heartily endorsed as changes for the better. Just about the only scientific innovations not heralded by majorities of the public are nuclear energy and nuclear weapons.

While medical advances are cited by some as America’s greatest achievement, the public is relatively uneasy about many recent breakthroughs in pharmacology and biotechnology. Just slim pluralities endorse the advent of Prozac, Viagra and fertility drugs as changes for the better, and almost half (49%) of Americans see the cloning of sheep as a change for the worse.

The century’s various social trends get an even more mixed verdict. From a high of 84% calling the civil rights movement a positive change to lows of 21% saying the same of telemarketing and just 14% finding rap music a plus, attitudes about social trends vary widely. The same is true of significant personal finance changes: 69% say mutual funds are an improvement; just 22% say the wide use of credit cards is a change for the better in this country.

Collective Memories

Looking back over important events of the century, John F. Kennedy’s assassination is the single most powerful memory. Nine-in-ten Americans who are old enough to remember say they know exactly what they were doing when they heard the news of the 35th president’s murder. The only other events to come close are the attack on Pearl Harbor and those that occurred in the late 1990s.

Kennedy’s assassination also stands as the most chronologically distant memory that is shared by a majority of the public. Neil Armstrong’s 1969 walk on the moon is the only other event of the 1960s to hold a majority position in America’s collective memory today; Richard Nixon’s resignation in the 1970s does as well.

Many of the people and events that shaped the nation’s history in the 20th century — Franklin Roosevelt, World War II, the 1929 stock market crash — are remembered personally by very few Americans today. Instead, the country is united in its recollections of only recent and less historically significant events, such as the death of Princess Diana, the bombing of a federal office building in Oklahoma, and the space shuttle Challenger explosion.

These events, however, are central to our cultural identity today, and it is in cultural terms that Americans reflect on the various decades of the 20th century. With the exceptions of the Great Depression in the 1930s and World War II in the 1940s, Americans use cultural references to define the decades, coming up with words like roaring and flappers for the 1920s, happy and rock and roll for the 1950s, hippies and turmoil for the 1960s, disco and drugs for the 1970s, fun and greed for the 1980s, and high-tech and fast-paced for the 1990s.

Crediting economic prosperity, almost two-thirds of Americans say their own lives are better today than those of their family members in the 1950s. Substantial majorities also say that life in the late 1990s is better than that it was in the 1950s for most major groups, including women, seniors, working class people and many minorities. Half of Americans even say life is better today for white men than it was in the middle part of the century.

The belief that the country is suffering a moral breakdown, however, is more potent than prosperity when Americans are asked to pull back and assess life in the United States overall. No consensus exists on this question: 44% say life in the U.S. is better today than in the 1950s; and a substantial three-in-ten minority say it is worse.

Personal Prosperity

Across almost all demographic groups — men and women, whites and blacks, old and young — strong majorities of Americans say their own lives are better now than those of their families in the 1950s. Overall, 63% say their lives are better today; 21% say about the same; only 12% say worse.

The perception that one’s life is better today is especially strong among the wealthy and the well educated. Nearly seven-in-ten people with incomes of more than $50,000 and a similar number of those with college degrees hold this view.

Low income Americans are the rare group in which a plurality of people say their lives today are no better than those of their families in the 1950s, with one-in-five saying their lives are worse. Twice as many people earning less than $20,000 say their own lives are worse today than do those earning more, 21% and 10%, respectively.

Economic factors drive these perceptions both among people who see their lives as better in the 1990s and among those who see them as worse. Americans who say their own lives are better than those of their families in the 1950s credit economics nearly three times more often than anything else. Overall, 40% of those who see their own lives as better volunteer prosperity, higher pay and financial security as reasons for this improvement. This is true across all major demographic groups.

Again, the affluent and the better educated stand out: 53% of those with college degrees and 59% of those earning more than $75,000 cite economics. While a plurality of young people agree on the role of economics, they are more likely than any other age cohort to mention the benefits of technology. Nearly a quarter (23%) of Americans under age 30 say technology is responsible for improving life today, compared to just 10% of those older.

People who consider their lives today worse than those of their families in the 1950s cite economic factors and moral decay in equal numbers. Three-in-ten name each as the reason their lives are worse. Another 16% say the pace of life today is to blame.

Women, Disabled and Blacks

Looking not at their individual lives but at those of most major groups in America, the public again sees life today as better than 50 years ago. The numbers are overwhelming for certain groups. Eight-in-ten Americans say that women, disabled people and African Americans are better off today than they were in the 1950s.

Six-in-ten people say life today is improved for Hispanics, seniors, gays and lesbians, and the working class. Roughly half of the public says the same for white males, men in general, middle class Americans, and religious people. Relatively few people, 25% or less, say life is worse in the 1990s for any of these groups.

The picture darkens, however, when Americans assess the lives of young people today compared to those of the 1950s. More than half of the public (56%) says the lives of teens are worse today; just 33% say better. When it comes to the lives of younger children, Americans are divided: 44% say that youngsters are worse off today than in the 1950s; 46% say better. Parents of children under age 18 have a particularly dim view, with 64% saying the lives of teens are worse today than in the 1950s, compared to 50% of those without young children.

Farmers are the only other group that a majority of Americans say are doing worse today than in the 1950s: 65% say worse, compared to only 20% who say better.

For the most part, people in key demographic groups share the collective assessment of how their group is doing. Two important exceptions exist, however: African Americans and seniors. Significantly fewer blacks than whites say the lives of African Americans are better today than those of blacks in the 1950s, 68% vs. 83%, respectively. Conversely, seniors are far more likely than younger people to say that the lives of senior citizens are better today than in the 1950s, 81% vs. 57%.

“Life in America” Not Quite So Good

For all the perceived improvement in the quality of Americans’ lives as individuals and as collective groups, most people do not see life in the United States as any better today than it was 50 years ago. Half of the public says life is no better today than it was in the 1950s, compared to 44% who say it is. Even among those who say their own lives are improved, 41% still say life in the U.S. is no better today.

African Americans are one of the very few groups in which a narrow majority sees life in America as improved: 52% of blacks say life is better today than in 1950 (compared to 43% of whites).

Overall, affluence and education are again related to attitudes about improvements in the quality of life in America. Among those with at least some college education, nearly half (47%) say life in the U.S. is better than in the 1950s; only 38% of those lacking a high school diploma agree. Similarly, 47% of those with incomes over $50,000 see life in the U.S. as improved, compared to 34% of those with annual family incomes of less than $20,000.

Moral Decay to Blame

Americans may be divided about whether life in the country has improved or not, but among those who believe it is worse, opinion is overwhelming that moral decay is to blame. Nearly seven-in-ten people who see life in the U.S. as worse today than it was in the 1950s say the cause is a decline in morality — such as increased crime, the breakdown in family structure and a lack of respect for others. This belief is somewhat stronger among the very religious: 75% of them blame moral decay. Notably, Democrats are just as likely as Republicans to name morality as the culprit.

When it comes to the reasons why life is improved in America, the economy is again the top answer. Although references to economic prosperity are the most common responses across most demographic groups, two exceptions are worth noting. Just as many African Americans cite freedom and civil rights (27%) as identify the economy — only 11% of whites cite civil rights — and people between the ages of 18 and 29 say technology (25%) as often as the economy (27%).

The Littleton Effect

The shootings at Columbine High School in Colorado occurred while this survey was being conducted: 62% of the interviews were completed before and 38% after the tragedy.

Overall, few differences are found between the findings before and after the shootings. But the question about life in the U.S. today stands as an important exception — an exception that fits with the broader finding that Americans cite crime, moral decay and anti-social behavior as factors undermining American progress today.

The shootings had a modest impact on attitudes about life in America, although not significant enough to change the overall pattern of results. Before the shootings in Littleton, a clear 48% plurality of Americans said life in the U.S. was better than 50 years ago, nearly twice the number who said worse (25%). Opinion about life in America divides far more narrowly in the wake of the high school shooting: 38% of the public says life today is better and 36% say worse.

A difference is also seen when people compare the lives of teenagers today to those of the 1950s: a significant 61% agreed that life is worse for teens after the tragedy, compared to a narrow 52% majority who said this beforehand. Only a slight difference is found when Americans compare their own lives to those of their family members in the 1950s. Before the shootings, 65% of the public said their lives today were better, compared to 58% who say better following the shootings.

Americans have decidedly different views of the technical and cultural changes of the 20th century. On the whole, technological changes are viewed as advancements for the better, while cultural changes are evolutions of mixed value to society.

Inventions involving communications and travel win plaudits from broad cross sections of the public. Younger generations are somewhat more enthusiastic about many recent innovations, although few Americans or groups rate the advent of any of these technologies as changes for the worse. In fact, the only scientific advances the public does not embrace are nuclear weapons and nuclear power.

The same cannot be said of cultural change. Two societal shifts of the late 20th century — the civil rights movement and women in the workplace — are now woven into our cultural identity and are viewed favorably by nearly everyone. But the benefits of other changes — the growth of the suburbs, spending habits and even popular music — are more ambiguous to the public, and few are seen as improvements by clear majorities. Americans are equally mixed about many biomedical advances.

Technology — Mostly for the Better

Technological advances that dramatically changed the way Americans work and live top the public’s list of positive achievements during the past century. The public is nearly unanimous in describing the invention of the radio (96%) and the automobile (91%) as changes for the better, while a more recent innovation — the computer — ranks close behind (87%). Indeed, large majorities describe a range of technological advances as changes for the better, with only those innovations involving nuclear power sparking less enthusiasm. Just 48% say the development of nuclear energy was a change for the better, and fewer than one-in-five (19%) say nuclear weapons were a step forward.

Consensus about the benefit of television is especially broad-based. Even less affluent Americans, who generally express less enthusiasm for technological advances, are just as likely as higher income groups to say the invention of television was a change for the better. Notably, parents of minors are less convinced of the benefits of TV: 66% of them say television was a change for the better, compared to 78% of others.

Public attitudes concerning a range of social and political changes are much more mixed. Some changes are widely seen as improvements, including the civil rights movement (84%) and women in the workplace (83%). But barely a majority says the growth of the suburbs is for the better (52%), and just one-third of Americans rate as a positive step the legalization of abortion (34%) or more acceptance of divorce (30%). Even fewer (22%) say the widespread use of credit cards is a change for the better.

In many cases, groups directly affected by a social change express more enthusiasm for it. For example, 87% of women say women in the workplace has been a change for the better, compared to 78% of men. And while many Americans see the wider acceptance of divorce as a change for the worse, women are less critical than men. More than one-third of women — and fully 43% of women between 30 and 49 — say acceptance of divorce has been a change for the better, compared to 24% of men.

Notably, 63% of those who now live in the suburbs say the growth of the suburbs has been a good thing, compared to 53% of those living in large cities and just 42% of those in rural areas.

Civil rights are an exception to this trend. Blacks are no more likely than whites to say the civil rights movement has been a change for the better — 85% of blacks and 84% of whites say expanded civil rights have improved things.

The decade.com

Evaluating inventions that gained prominence in just the past decade, Americans express the greatest enthusiasm for the new communications technologies — email, the Internet and cellular phones. Fully 71% of Americans say email is a change for the better, and nearly as many see the Internet (69%), cell phones (66%), and cable television (62%) as positive developments.

But enthusiasm for these new communications technologies divides sharply along generational lines. Three-quarters (75%) of those under age 50 say the Internet is a change for the better, compared to barely half (51%) of those ages 65 and older. Indeed, senior citizens generally express less enthusiasm than younger Americans for recent technological inventions — with the exception of cable TV, which ranks at the top of the list of changes for the better among those ages 65 and older.

Americans are much more narrowly divided over other recent advances in science, however. Some 43% say fertility drugs are a change for the better, while 32% say they are a change for the worse. Even fewer rate Viagra (36%) or the cloning of sheep (15%) as changes for the better.

Men and women hold sharply different views of some biomedical breakthroughs such as cloning. Almost two-thirds (62%) of women say the cloning of sheep is a change for the worse, for example, compared to just one-third (36%) of men. Cloning is also seen as a change for the worse by majorities of highly religious Americans, including white evangelicals.

Major social trends of the past decade also get a mixed review. Some 69% of Americans say mutual funds have been a change for the better, but a range of other developments fail to get positive ratings from even a majority of the public. Home schooling is seen as a change for the better by 43% of Americans, while 39% rate the gay rights movement as a positive step.

HMOs, telemarketing, and rap music get little praise. Indeed, majorities rate rap music (53%) and telemarketing (51%) as changes for the worse, and 49% say the same about HMOs and managed health care plans. Even among black Americans, enthusiasm for rap music is mixed — 26% of blacks say rap music is a change for the better (compared to 12% among whites), while 47% say rap is a change for the worse (compared to 55% among whites).

Support for other recent cultural trends cuts along partisan lines. For example, 45% of Democrats say the gay rights movement made things better, compared to just 31% of Republicans. In contrast, 48% of rank-and-file Republicans say home schooling represents a change for the better, compared to 39% of Democrats. Enthusiasm for home schooling is also especially high among white evangelicals (56% rating it as a change for the better).

The technological progress of the 20th century is a source of great pride for Americans, who place advancements in science and technology — especially the space program — at the top of the list of American achievements. A nearly unanimous public attributes U.S. accomplishments to the Constitution, free elections and the free enterprise system.

Although agreement on the greatest failure of this era is less pronounced, when asked to judge the century, the public laments the use of force, a decline in morality and a breakdown in politics and governance.

One Giant Leap for America

When Americans look back on the 20th century, four-in-ten cite technological advances as America’s greatest achievement; another 7% mention medical breakthroughs. Overall, the single most-mentioned success is the space program. Almost one-in-five people cite the exploration of space as America’s greatest feat.

Successes in the realm of world peace — such as winning the World Wars and the Cold War — are cited by just 7% of the public. A strong economy is mentioned by 5% of Americans, the same number who see civil rights as the leading accomplishment of the century.

When asked to name the U.S. government’s greatest achievement, the public again names advances in science and technology in general and the space program more specifically — although there is less consensus here. Once more, technology is the top category (19% say so), and the space program is the single most-mentioned success (14% cite it specifically).

Substantial numbers also name international and social policies as the federal government’s greatest achievement of the century. Victories in World War II and the Cold War are cited by 12% of the public; 9% mention advances in civil rights and 6% describe safety net programs such as Social Security and welfare.

In assessing the nation’s and the government’s accomplishments, there are few differences between demographic groups. A small distinction is found, however, between the average American and better-educated and wealthier people, who are relatively more enthusiastic about America’s scientific and technological achievements.

Americans Divide over Failures

When asked to name the nation’s greatest failure of the 20th century, Americans split almost equally between war, morality and politics. The use of force tops the list of failures, with 17% of the public mentioning war. Almost as many (15%) mention moral breakdown and a decline in values. One-in-ten cite problems with politics and government.

As with evaluations of success, the public’s description of the greatest governmental failures resembles the tabulation of national failures. Again, war and politics dominate the list, with 18% mentioning war and foreign policy problems and 14% citing presidential scandals, lack of political ethics and declining trust in government. One-in-ten name a particular policy area (e.g., welfare, education or health care) as the government’s greatest misstep of the 20th century. Paradoxically, these are some of the same issues that other Americans cited as the government’s greatest achievement of the last 100 years.

Twenty-four years after the fall of Saigon, the shadow of Vietnam still looms large for America: It is the single most-often mentioned national failure, with 8% of the public specifically citing the Asian conflict. The same number list it as the U.S. government’s greatest mistake of the 20th century.

At this point, the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal also casts a historic pall for a striking minority. As many Americans (8%) describe Clinton’s lack of ethics as the U.S. government’s most significant failure of the last 100 years as cite the Vietnam War.

Men and women evaluate America’s failures differently. One-in-four men name war as the nation’s greatest calamity; only one-in-ten women agree. Conversely, 18% of women say that moral breakdown is America’s greatest 20th century failure, compared to just 10% of men.

Blacks place the treatment of minorities and intolerance at the top of their list of America’s failures: 21% hold this view, compared to just 6% of whites.

Reasons for America’s Success

Although many Americans are distrustful of government, wary of the news media and disinterested in politics, they resoundingly endorse the economic and democratic systems on which the nation is grounded. When looking back on the accomplishments of the 20th century, overwhelming majorities agree that the Constitution (85%), free elections (84%), and the free enterprise system (81%) are major reasons for the success that the U.S. has enjoyed during the past 100 years. The public may be frustrated by how the system operates, but they like the design.

The public also credits a century of national achievements to the resources that have sustained these accomplishments. Over three-quarters (78%) say that abundant natural resources are key to America’s status. Over two-thirds attribute America’s achievements to human resources — the American people. Fully 71% say the cultural diversity of our people is a major reason for success; 69% say the character of the American people is key.

In addition, despite Americans’ increasing skepticism about press practices, more than two-thirds of the public (69%) credits national success to freedom of the press. A similar majority also gives credit to divine sources: 65% say God’s will is a major reason for American success.

Significantly fewer people see geographic isolation or institutional characteristics as fundamental explanations for America’s 20th century achievements. Just over half (53%) agree that being separated by oceans on both coasts has been crucial; even fewer credit the two party system (49%).

Explanations that deal with specific religious values or the role of religion in American politics receive only lukewarm endorsement. Just 41% say that Judeo-Christian beliefs are a major reason for American success; the same number credit the separation of church and state.

Finally, the public is loathe to ascribe more than passing influence to accident: Only one-quarter say good luck is a major reason for America’s success in the 20th century.

A Consensus View

The overwhelming endorsement given to the building blocks of democracy and capitalism is shared by all Americans, regardless of age, race or gender. However, some groups express more enthusiasm than others.

For example, although the Constitution receives resounding support as a key to American success, African Americans are slightly more temperate in their analysis: 86% of whites name it a major reason, 72% of blacks agree. And, while 89% of those with college degrees endorse free elections as a prime reason for American success, 81% of those with only a high school degree concur.

Of the three top reasons, some of the greatest differences between groups are in their evaluations of the free enterprise system, which draws relatively less support from blacks, women and Americans under age 35, although majorities of each group still label it a major reason. Three-quarters (74%) of 18-34 year-olds label the free enterprise system a major reason, compared to 84% of those age 35 and up. Two-thirds of blacks see it as key, compared to 83% of whites; three-quarters (77%) of women see it as essential, compared to 85% of men. Black women are the least enthusiastic: just 58% endorse the free enterprise system as a major reason, compared to 79% of black men.

Americans divide most sharply, however, on the credit they give divine intent. Blacks place God’s will near the top of all explanations for America’s success in the 20th century — fully 82% of African Americans say it is a major reason, compared to 63% of whites. Women are also more supportive about the role of God: 72% say it is key, compared to 58% of men. Again, African American women stand out: 91% credit God’s will, compared to 70% of African American men, 69% of white women and 57% of white men.

The college educated, the wealthy and the young express greater reservations about the influence of God on America’s success. For example, just under half (48%) of college graduates credit God’s will, compared to 70% of those without college degrees. And, while 74% of senior citizens say that God’s will is a major reason for American success, just 59% of adults under age 35 agree.

The differences between younger and older Americans is not limited to their evaluation of God’s will or the free enterprise system. Americans age 65 and older often part company with younger generations in much of their analysis of the reasons for America’s success.

Seniors are especially enthusiastic about the importance of the two-party system and geographic isolation — two prominent theories of an earlier era. Fully 61% of those ages 65 and older say that being separated on both coasts has been key, compared to just over half of younger adults. Just as many seniors (62%) endorse the role of the two-party system, a reason that finds only moderate support (45%) among those under 55.

As the most ethnically and racially diverse age group, young adults express slightly more support for the importance of the cultural diversity of the American people as an explanation of national success. Three-quarters of 18-34 year-olds name it a major reason, compared to 64% of those 65 and older.

Seculars Stand Out

Secular Americans, who do not affiliate with any religion, also differ from others in their evaluation of various reasons for American success in the 20th century. Not surprisingly, seculars are much less supportive of the significance of religious influences — just 31% say God’s will is a key component of success and only 16% say the same of Judeo-Christian beliefs, compared to 65% and 41%, respectively, of the public overall.

Less predictable, however, is seculars’ weaker endorsement of several civic institutions. On average, 84% of the public cites free elections as key to America’s success, compared to 74% of seculars. Similarly, while 69% of the public credits freedom of the press and 49% credits the two-party system, just 60% and 33%, respectively, of seculars agree. Instead, seculars give disproportionate credit to the cultural diversity of the American people: 83% say it is critical, compared to 71% overall.

The memories that are shared by large majorities of Americans are largely of American events and often very recent ones. Memories of significant events that did not include the U.S. are less clear. For example, while three-quarters of Americans remember the moment they heard the news of the outbreak of war in the Persian Gulf, only about four-in-ten recall hearing the news of the Tiananmen Square massacre.

As the nation moves into the 21st century many of the major events that defined the past 100 years are not recalled as first-hand experiences. Indeed, only the events of the 1980s and 1990s serve as shared collective memories for strong majorities of Americans today.

Fewer Shared Memories across Generations

Nearly all adults (87%) say they know what they were doing when they heard the news of Princess Diana’s fatal car crash just two years ago; as many have equally strong recollections of the 1995 bombing of a federal building in Oklahoma City. About three-quarters of the public remembers hearing the news of the start of the Gulf War in 1991. A similar number clearly recalls the Challenger explosion of 1986.

While the public lists Neil Armstrong’s 1969 walk on the moon as one of the top American achievements of the 20th century, only a bare majority (54%) of the adult population has a first-hand memory of it.

And prior events — the end of World War II, FDR’s death and the attack on Pearl Harbor — are milestones for older generations only. Although overwhelming majorities of older Americans say they remember what they were doing when they heard the news of these events, only about one-in-five adults of all ages share these memories.

The 1963 assassination of John F. Kennedy is the earliest memory that a majority of Americans share: 53% say that they know what they were doing the moment they heard the news of his murder.

Powerful Memories

Kennedy’s assassination is not only the earliest event that a majority of Americans can still recall, it is also the most potent American memory for those who lived through it. Nine out of ten Americans who were old enough at the time say they remember exactly what they were doing when they heard the news of the 35th president’s death. Almost as many remember learning of Princess Diana’s death (87%), the Oklahoma City bombing (86%) and, among those who were alive then, the attack on Pearl Harbor (85%).

The power of Kennedy’s death and the bombing of Pearl Harbor are striking given that Princess Diana’s fatal car accident and the terrorist blast in Oklahoma City are events of this decade.

The triumphs and tragedies of the space program are remembered with equal strength: 82% of adults remember what they were doing when they heard about the 1986 Challenger explosion; 80% remember where they were the moment they heard the news of Armstrong’s historic walk on the moon 17 years earlier.

The lives and deaths of other American leaders remain vivid in the minds of most Americans who are old enough to remember, though they are less compelling than the death of Kennedy. About two-thirds of the eligible public remembers John Hinckley’s attack on Ronald Reagan, Franklin Roosevelt’s death, Richard Nixon’s resignation, and the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.

Events Define Generations

For senior citizens, memories of the past several decades pale in comparison to events from their younger years. Nine-in-ten remember what they were doing when they heard the news of Kennedy’s assassination (93%), the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor (91%) and the end of World War II (89%). Almost as many can recall the moment they heard about Armstrong’s moon walk (87%) and the death of Franklin Roosevelt (85%). Fewer seniors remember hearing important news of the 1980s and 1990s: the Challenger explosion (74%) or the beginning of the Gulf War (73%).

The death of John F. Kennedy binds together the 55-64 age group: 98% remember exactly what they were doing when they heard the news of his assassination. Three other events of the late 1960s and early 1970s — Armstrong’s moonwalk, the murder of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Richard M. Nixon’s resi gnation — are especially compelling for the generation that was in their 20s and 30s at the time. Almost nine-in-ten (89%) remember the moment they learned of Armstrong’s historic footsteps, 82% remember the news of the civil rights leader’s death and 80% recall Nixon’s announcement. The tragic events of the 1980s and 1990s are also compelling for this generation: 83% recall the Challenger explosion and 87% remember hearing the news of the Oklahoma City bombing.

The Oklahoma City bombing and the failed Challenger mission are remembered as strongly as Kennedy’s death for Americans between the ages of 35 and 54. Fully 88% remember hearing the news of the Oklahoma bombing in 1995; almost as many (86%) can recall exactly where they were when they learned of the spacecraft explosion. And, although some in this age group were not even born when Kennedy was shot, of those who were old enough at the time, as many (86%) say they know what they were doing when heard the news from Dallas. About three-quarters can remember hearing the news of Hinckley’s attempt on Reagan and the beginning of the Gulf War.

Americans under age 35 share relatively few memories. The recent bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City stands out as the most-remembered event through 1995: 87% of this age group knows what they were doing when they heard the news. Somewhat fewer can recall the moment they learned of the Challenger explosion (81%) and the news of the first bombing in the Gulf War (74%). And, for a generation that was not born when Kennedy and King were assassinated, the attempt on Reagan’s life is remembered by only 61%, slightly more than the number (55%) who recall the news of the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Culture Sets the Tone

Absent an economic calamity or a major war, Americans think of the past in mostly cultural terms. When asked to provide one-word descriptions of the decades, the public refers to the 1930s and 1940s in terms of economic upheaval and war. When they think of the decades before and since, however, Americans’ references are generally light-hearted.

Almost one-third of Americans (30%) use cultural references to describe the 1920s, speaking of this decade as roaring, swinging and carefree. Half as many (16%) mention economic descriptions, including references to both the boom and bust of these years. Affluence, the stock market crash and hard times are some of the more common responses. Those who actually lived in the 1920s, however, see things a bit differently. Although cultural references to the 1920s outweigh economic ones by two-to-one for the general public, Americans who were alive in the 1920s describe the decade in economic terms as much as in cultural terms (about 22% mention each).

The harsh economic conditions of the 1930s painted a clear picture in the public mind. References to the economy — and in particular, the Great Depression — top all others. One-in-five Americans mention the Depression directly, another 15% describe the decade in terms of hard times, struggle or poverty. No other single description is mentioned by more than 4% of the public.

Images of the 1940s are similarly dominated by the specter of World War II, which is mentioned by 35% of the public. One-in-ten make reference to economic rebuilding, getting over the Depression and good times.

Good Cars, Good Music, Good Times

Americans’ views of the 1950s are much more nostalgic. When thinking about this decade, almost equal numbers make references to the good life (24%) and the cultural icons of the era (22%). Descriptions of this decade are dominated by mentions of peace, fun, rock and roll music, Elvis, and good cars.

A generation gap opens up in the ways Americans remember the 1950s. While the public overall thinks of the cultural icons and the general prosperity of the 1950s in equal terms (22% and 24%, respectively), those who actually lived during this era are much more focused on the era as a time of progress, peace and modernization. One-third (33%) of those who were alive during the 1950s describe it in terms of the good life, compared to 17% who make cultural references. In contrast, those who were born in the following decades largely think of the 1950s in cultural terms: 29% mention the cars, music and other symbols of the era, compared to 14% who make references to the good life.

Cultural references also dominate Americans’ views of the 1960s. When asked what word or phrase best describes the decade, one-quarter of the public mentions such terms as hippies, flower children, drugs, music, and free love. However, significant numbers (16%) also mention civil and political unrest — and characterize this decade as a troubled, turbulent time.

But the politics of the 1970s — the Vietnam War, Watergate and Nixon’s resignation — are crowded out by references to disco, drugs and John Travolta and a general sense of fun. One-quarter of the public describes the decade in cultural terms, another 10% mention the carefree aspects, but only 3% characterize it politically.

The 1980s draw much less consensus; no single category is mentioned by more than 12% of the public. Characterizations of the decade range from general references to good (11%) to references to music and culture (9%) to materialism and greed (7%) to economics (7%). Again, politics takes a back seat to these cultural memories: only 2% mention Reagan or Reaganomics.

While there is again little agreement among the public about how to characterize our current decade, technology — a word barely mentioned in any previous decade — tops the list of references, with 12% of Americans describing the 1990s in technological terms. Again, as a sign of the lack of agreement over this decade, almost equal numbers mention good (10%) and getting worse (8%). Significant minorities also think of the 1990s as a fast-paced work in progress, with momentum and stress each mentioned by 6% of the public. There are no references to the Gulf War.

Americans Know What Time It Is

Although the public often does poorly on tests of political knowledge, Americans do quite well when it comes to placing major national events in chronological order. Moreover, unlike most tests of political knowledge, across these measures of information, older Americans do not consistently perform better than do younger adults. Those who experienced a particular event during their early adulthood are best able to place it in historical context.

Overall, large majorities of the public can correctly identify the historical sequence of many major political and social occurrences of the 20th century. Three-quarters know that World War II came before the Korean War and that Watergate preceded the Iran-contra scandal. Almost as many know the correct order of two landmark Supreme court cases, placing the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education anti-segregation decision before the 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling legalizing abortion.

Americans’ knowledge extends beyond American wars, scandals and social politics. Seven-in-ten know that construction of the Panama Canal began before the Interstate Highway system. Nearly two-thirds (63%) know that the Cuban missile crisis preceded Nixon’s historic visit to China.

Indeed, the public was stumped by only one of six questions. Just 24% were able to correctly place the creation of the NATO alliance before the building of the Berlin Wall.

Typically, older Americans follow the news more closely and are more knowledgeable about politics and history than younger adults. However, these questions reveal a different pattern. Americans who experienced an event most directly do a better job than other age groups at placing it historically. For example, 81% of Baby Boomers (those now ages 35-54) know that Watergate

— one of the defining events of their young adulthood — came before Iran-contra. No other generation scores as well. And, Boomers remember the timing of Nixon’s 1972 visit to China with clarity: Nearly three-quarters correctly place it after the 1962 Cuban missile crisis.

Similarly, people ages 55 to 64, the Silent Generation, are especially knowledgeable about the events of the Cold War. Seven-in-ten know that the Cuban Missile crisis occurred before Nixon went to China, compared to 57% of older Americans and 49% of 18-34 year-olds. This age group is also best able to identify the Cold War’s manifestations in Europe: 37% know that East Germany erected the Berlin Wall after the NATO alliance was formed, compared to 21% of younger adults and 28% of those 65 and older. Again, today’s 55-64 year-olds were young adults when one or both of these events occurred.

The political clashes over affirmative action and abortion in the 1980s and 1990s — battles that were influenced in part by earlier Supreme Court decisions regarding race and abortion — are especially clear to the generation that came of age during the past two decades. Eight-in-ten Generation Xers (18-34 year-olds) know that the ruling that declared segregated schools unconstitutional preceded the decision on abortion rights. Three-quarters of Boomers, two-thirds of 55-64 year-olds and less than half of those 65 and over did as well.

Pew Research Center studies over the years have found that men follow international news more closely than do women and that men tend to do better than women on knowledge tests. In general, this pattern holds for many of these questions, as well — but not for all. Majorities of both genders get five out of six correct.

The greatest discrepancies are in naming the order of World War II and the Korean War (86% of men and 72% women answer correctly) and the sequence of the Cuban missile crisis and Nixon’s visit to China (70% of men and 56% of women answer correctly). There is no real difference between the percent of men (71%) and women (73%) who know that the Brown decision preceded Roe v. Wade.

Results for the main survey are based on telephone interviews conducted under the direction of Princeton Survey Research Associates among a nationwide sample of 1,546 adults, 18 years of age or older, during the period April 6 – May 6, 1999. For results based on the total sample, one can say with 95% confidence that the error attributable to sampling and other random effects is plus or minus 3 percentage points. For results based on either Form 1 (N=789) or Form 2 (N=757), the sampling error is plus or minus 4 percentage points.

In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.

Survey Methodology in Detail

The sample for this survey is a random digit sample of telephone numbers selected from telephone exchanges in the continental United States. The random digit aspect of the sample is used to avoid “listing” bias and provides representation of both listed and unlisted numbers (including not-yet-listed). The design of the sample ensures this representation by random generation of the last two digits of telephone numbers selected on the basis of their area code, telephone exchange, and bank number.

The telephone exchanges were selected with probabilities proportional to their size. The first eight digits of the sampled telephone numbers (area code, telephone exchange, bank number) were selected to be proportionally stratified by county and by telephone exchange within county. That is, the number of telephone numbers randomly sampled from within a given county is proportional to that county’s share of telephone numbers in the U.S. Only working banks of telephone numbers are selected. A working bank is defined as 100 contiguous telephone numbers containing three or more residential listings.

The sample was released for interviewing in replicates. Using replicates to control the release of sample to the field ensures that the complete call procedures are followed for the entire sample. The use of replicates also insures that the regional distribution of numbers called is appropriate. Again, this works to increase the representativeness of the sample.

At least five attempts were made to complete an interview at every sampled telephone number. The calls were staggered over times of day and days of the week to maximize the chances of making a contact with a potential respondent. All interview breakoffs and refusals were re-contacted at least once in order to attempt to convert them to completed interviews. In each contacted household, interviewers asked to speak with the “youngest male 18 or older who is at home.” If there is no eligible man at home, interviewers asked to speak with “the oldest woman 18 or older who is at home.” This systematic respondent selection technique has been shown empirically to produce samples that closely mirror the population in terms of age and gender.

Non-response in telephone interview surveys produces some known biases in survey-derived estimates because participation tends to vary for different subgroups of the population, and these subgroups are likely to vary also on questions of substantive interest. In order to compensate for these known biases, the sample data are weighted in analysis.

The demographic weighting parameters are derived from a special analysis of the most recently available Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey (March 1998). This analysis produced population parameters for the demographic characteristics of households with adults 18 or older, which are then compared with the sample characteristics to construct sample weights. The analysis only included households in the continental United States that contain a telephone.

The weights are derived using an iterative technique that simultaneously balances the distributions of all weighting parameters.