Nontraditional, short-term and contract work existed prior to the internet and smartphones, but the gig economy has ushered in a new way of connecting people with consumers and those who want to hire them. Indeed, the emergence of companies like Uber, TaskRabbit or DoorDash has expanded the way people earn money and added another dimension to the labor force.

To better understand the experiences of people who take on work through online gig platforms, Pew Research Center surveyed U.S. adults in August 2021 and found that 16% of Americans have ever earned money through an online gig platform in at least one of the following ways: driving for a ride-hailing app; shopping for or delivering groceries or household items; performing household tasks like cleaning someone’s home or assembling furniture, or running errands like picking up dry cleaning; making deliveries from a restaurant or store for a delivery app; using a personal vehicle to deliver packages to others via a mobile app or website such as Amazon Flex; or doing something else along these lines.¹

Earning money through these apps or websites varies by a number of factors – most notably by age, race and ethnicity, and household income. Three-in-ten 18- to 29-year-olds have ever earned money through an online gig platform, but that share drops to 18% among those ages 30 to 49 and even smaller for those ages 50 and up.

Additionally, Hispanic adults stand out for participating in the gig labor force: 30% have ever earned money in this way, compared with 20% of Black adults, 19% of Asian adults and 12% of White adults.² And Americans with lower incomes are more likely than those with middle or upper incomes to have ever earned money through these kinds of sites or apps.³

Some Americans have completed work via these gig platforms in the past year: 4% are currently doing these types of jobs, while an additional 5% are not currently doing this but have done so in the past year. In total, 9% of U.S. adults are current or recent gig workers, meaning they have earned money through an online gig platform in the past 12 months. And the demographic makeup of those who have done this work in the past year largely mirrors those who have ever earned money through online gig platforms.

Beyond the makeup of this workforce, the survey also highlights a variety of ways that different people rely on online gig jobs and integrate them into their lives. Among current or recent gig workers, more say the work is something they do on the side rather than their primary way of earning a living. And relatively few people who have taken on this work over the past year report putting in more than 30 hours during a typical week.

Still, there is a smaller, but notable, segment who have more fully incorporated these jobs into their work life: 31% of current or recent gig workers – representing 3% of U.S. adults overall – say this has been their main job over the past 12 months. Those shares are even higher for those who are less affluent: 42% of current or recent gig workers who have lower incomes say it has been their main job over the past year. That translates into 7% of all adults with lower incomes.

A majority of Americans who’ve earned money through a gig platform over the past year say they either spent less than 10 hours in a typical week performing these tasks or don’t do these jobs most weeks. Still, 36% say that in the past year, they clocked 10 to 30 hours (29%) or more than 30 hours (8%) doing these jobs, including waiting for assignments, in a typical week.

At the same time, some gig workers are more financially dependent on this income than others. Among current or recent gig workers, roughly six-in-ten say the money they earned through these platforms over the past 12 months has been essential (23%) or important (35%) for meeting their basic needs, while 39% say the income has been nice to have, but not needed.

While proponents praise the gig economy for its flexibility and fueling a sense of entrepreneurship, others have been openly critical about the lack of benefits and job security that can be associated with these jobs. This struggle has played out across the country with advocates, lawmakers and gig companies debating the legal status of gig workers.

Many of these discussions have centered around one particular type of gig job: ride hailing. When asked what is the most appropriate way to classify drivers for ride-hailing companies, the public is more likely to say “independent contractor” rather than “employee.” Beyond the debate around classification, there is majority support for better protections for drivers: 57% of Americans think those who drive for ride-hailing companies deserve greater legal protections from being mistreated.

These are some of the key findings from a survey by Pew Research Center, conducted Aug. 23-29, 2021, among 10,348 U.S. adults on the Center’s nationally representative American Trends Panel (ATP).

Finances, flexibility key reasons people turned to gig platform work over the past year; but motivations vary by how financially reliant people are on these jobs

Gig jobs are often billed as a good way to generate more income and control when and how much you work. These sentiments are similarly expressed by gig workers in this survey.

When asked why they are drawn to these jobs, gig workers are especially likely to cite financial reasons as key factors – either for saving up or covering fluctuations in income. Among current or recent gig workers, about half or more cite wanting to save up extra money (56%) or needing to cover gaps or changes in their income (52%) as major reasons for taking on these jobs over the past 12 months.

The ability to set their own hours also ranks highly among those who have earned money via gig jobs in the past year: 49% say being able to control their own schedule is a major reason why they have taken on these jobs over the past year. Smaller shares cite wanting to be their own boss, doing this for fun or to have something to do in their spare time, or not having many other job opportunities in their area as major reasons why they have earned money through these platforms in the past year.

Motivations vary between those who rely heavily on the money they earn through these platforms and those who do not. Current or recent gig workers who describe this money as essential or important are more likely than those who are less financially reliant on these jobs to cite covering gaps or changes in their income (61% vs. 38%), wanting to be their own boss (44% vs. 22%) or not having other job opportunities in their area (34% vs. 21%) as major reasons for doing this work in the past 12 months.

About two-thirds of current or recent gig platform workers think companies that run these platforms are fair when it comes to their pay, but smaller shares say the same for benefits

By and large, gig platform workers view their experience with earning money through these platforms in positive rather than negative terms. And among those who’ve done this work in the past year, majorities say they are at least somewhat satisfied with the number of jobs available to them, how quickly they can find jobs and the amount of money they’ve earned over the past 12 months.

When it comes to perceptions of fairness, 72% of current or recent gig workers say the companies that run these apps or sites have been at least somewhat fair when it comes to how their jobs are assigned, while 64% say the same about their pay.

By comparison, these workers are more critical of the way companies have handled their benefits. Nearly half of recent or current gig workers (46%) say companies have been unfair when it comes to their benefits, while half believe they have been fair. These sentiments seem to dovetail with broader criticism of the gig economy – that gig work does not adequately address issues around unemployment, healthcare and paid leave benefits.

Some gig platform workers report harassment, safety and COVID-19 concerns

There are some workers who have experienced the more negative sides of gig platform jobs from being harassed to feeling unsafe. Some 37% of those who have ever earned money in this way say they have been treated rudely at least sometimes while doing these jobs, with 13% saying this happens often. A similar share (35%) say they have often or sometimes felt unsafe while completing these jobs. Some workers are also targets of sexual harassment: About one-in-five say they have often (7%) or sometimes (12%) experienced unwanted sexual advances while completing jobs.

These encounters are particularly common among certain groups. Gig workers who do not identify as White are more likely than those who do identify in this way to say they have felt unsafe or experienced an unwanted sexual advance on the job at least sometimes.⁴ Experiences also vary by age: Gig workers ages 18 to 29 are more likely than those ages 30 and older to say they have at least sometimes been treated rudely (45% vs. 33%), felt unsafe (42% vs. 31%) or experienced an unwanted sexual advance (25% vs. 15%).

Among gig workers, there are no statistically significant differences by gender with encountering rudeness or feeling unsafe, but women are more likely than men to say they have often or sometimes faced unwanted sexual advances while completing jobs (22% vs. 15%).

People who have earned money through gig jobs that require contact with the public have also faced risk of exposure to COVID-19 – prompting some to strike or leave the platforms. The findings in this survey reflect those fears: About half of current or recent gig workers say they have been very (15%) or somewhat (36%) concerned about getting the coronavirus while completing these jobs in the past year. And these shares vary by race and ethnicity, with 59% of non-White current or recent gig platform workers reporting being at least somewhat concerned about catching COVID-19 while doing this work over the past 12 months, compared with 38% of those who are White.

Majority of Americans say ride-hailing drivers are most appropriately described as independent contractors, not employees

Debates around how ride-hailing companies should be regulated by the government and what protections their drivers should have are heating up at the federal, state and municipal levels. A key consideration in many of these discussions is whether drivers should be classified as employees or independent contractors.

This survey asked Americans for their views on this issue – and a majority (62%) say the most appropriate way to describe ride-hailing drivers is as independent contractors providing a service on behalf of the apps or websites. Smaller shares (35%) say these drivers are best described as employees who work directly for these platforms.

While a minority of Americans view these drivers as employees regardless of political affiliation, the balance in views varies by party. Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party are more likely than Republicans and GOP leaners to say drivers are most appropriately described as employees – a 19 percentage point difference.

Gig platform workers’ self-perceptions follow a similar pattern – 65% see themselves as independent contractors, while 28% view themselves as employees. And views by political party follow a similar pattern as the general population – Democratic gig workers are more likely than their Republican counterparts to think of themselves as employees (33% vs. 23%).

When it comes to other ride-hailing policy matters, the survey finds Americans prefer the status quo regarding government involvement in regulating these companies – even as a majority think these drivers need more legal safeguards. Some 57% of Americans say drivers for ride-hailing apps should have more legal protections from being mistreated by their companies; while 38% say these drivers have enough legal protections to ensure these companies treat them fairly. At the same time, though, half of Americans (53%) do not support changes in government regulation – they say the government should regulate companies that offer ride-hailing apps such as Uber or Lyft the same as they are now. Some 28% favor more regulation, while 15% say they should be regulated less than they are currently.

Just as with driver classification, views vary by political party. Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say drivers need more legal protections from mistreatment by their companies and to support more government regulation of ride-hailing companies.

As online services reshape how Americans go about their lives and tech developments mold the future of work, the rise of digital “gig platforms” has transformed how some people find jobs. From ride-hailing companies to services enabling deliveries of packages, groceries or restaurant meals, to apps connecting people with others who can help them complete errands, a rapidly evolving landscape has provided new ways for Americans to earn money.

Some 16% of U.S. adults have ever earned money by doing jobs via these platforms, and this group has some notable demographic characteristics: Adults under age 30, Hispanic adults and those with lower household incomes are particularly likely to have earned money in this way.

When examining how these workers see their platform jobs, about three-in-ten of those who have done gig platform work in the past year say it has been their main job; at the same time, the largest share of gig workers – about four-in-ten – say they have worked less than 10 hours in a typical week. And when it comes to how they think about their relationship with the companies that run these platforms, those who have ever done this work are more likely to see themselves as independent contractors than as employees.

16% of Americans have earned money on gig platforms at some point

In order to understand how common this kind of work is in the U.S., the Center asked Americans in August 2021 about their experience earning money through the following types of gig platform jobs: driving for a ride-hailing app (such as Uber or Lyft); shopping for or delivering groceries or household items (such as Instacart or Peapod); performing household tasks like cleaning someone’s home or assembling furniture, or running errands like picking up dry cleaning (such as TaskRabbit or Angi); making deliveries from a restaurant or store for a delivery app (such as DoorDash or UberEats); using a personal vehicle to deliver packages to others via a mobile app or website such as Amazon Flex; or doing something else on a gig app or website.

In all, 16% of Americans have ever earned money doing gig platform work in at least one of these ways. About one-in-ten adults (9%) have earned money doing gig platform work in the past 12 months, including 4% who were doing so currently when the survey was conducted. On the other hand, 7% report that it has been more than a year since they have done this work. 

When it comes to specific types of jobs, about one-in-ten or fewer adults have ever earned money in each category. Some 7% say they have made deliveries from a restaurant or store for a delivery app, 6% have performed household tasks or ran errands via a gig platform and 5% have driven for a ride-hailing app. Small shares also report ever shopping for or delivering groceries or household items (4%) or using a personal vehicle to deliver packages to others via an app or website (3%). And among the 4% who indicate they have done something else to earn money from these types of mobile sites or apps, the most common type of work mentioned is completing surveys, online tasks or other research activities.

Looking at those who have done gig platform work in the past year, only small shares of Americans have earned money in this way. For example, 4% of Americans say they have made deliveries from restaurants or stores for delivery apps in the past 12 months, including just 1% of Americans who say they were currently doing so as of the August 2021 survey. And 2% report that they have driven for a ride-hailing app in the past 12 months.

Americans’ experience with earning money through gig platforms varies by age, race, ethnicity and income

Earning money on online gig platforms varies by a number of demographic characteristics – including by race and ethnicity, age, household income, formal educational attainment, community type and country of birth.

There are large differences by race and ethnicity. Hispanic adults are more likely than other racial and ethnic groups to have earned money in this way – 30% have done so, compared with 20% of Black adults, 19% of Asian adults and even smaller shares of White adults (12%).

Young adults are also more likely to have done so than older adults – 30% of those ages 18 to 29 have ever earned money on gig platforms, compared with 18% of 30- to 49-year-olds. Smaller shares of those ages 50 and older say the same.

And even when looking at adults under age 50, racial and ethnic differences in doing gig platform work persist. Among adults ages 18 to 49, Hispanic (34%) and Black (27%) adults are more likely to have earned money on these gig platforms compared with White adults in this same age range (16%).⁵

People’s experiences with gig platform work also vary by household income. A quarter of Americans with lower household incomes say they have ever earned money doing gig platform work, compared with about one-in-ten of those who have middle or upper incomes.

Finally, there are smaller differences by where someone lives and their country of birth. Those living in urban or suburban areas are slightly more likely than those living in rural communities to have earned money on gig platforms. And those born outside the U.S. are somewhat more likely than those born in the U.S. to say this (21% vs. 16%).⁶

Similar patterns stand out when looking at individual types of gig platform work, especially when it comes to age, race and ethnicity, and income – but there is some variation across individual jobs.

Differences among demographic groups are particularly pronounced when it comes to using a gig app to make deliveries from a restaurant or store. The share of adults under age 30 who have ever done so is higher than that of any other age group – an 11-point difference compared with adults ages 30 to 49, for example.

Hispanic Americans are also more likely than other racial and ethnic groups to say they have earned money making these deliveries – a 12-point difference compared with White adults and 9 points compared with Asian adults. Black adults are less likely than Hispanic adults, but more likely than White adults, to have done so. And when it comes to household income, those with lower incomes are more likely than adults with middle or upper incomes to say they have ever earned money in this way.

By comparison, Hispanic, Black and Asian adults are similarly likely to have earned money driving for ride-hailing apps – but each of these groups is more likely than White adults to have done so. Adults under age 50 are more likely to have earned money as a ride-hailing driver compared with smaller shares of those 50 and older. And those with lower incomes are more likely than those with middle or upper incomes to report the same.

Some workers have earned money across multiple types of gig platform jobs. Among gig platform workers who have ever earned money in this way, 61% have done exactly one of the types of work the survey explored, while 39% have earned money in two or more ways.

Doing multiple types of gig platform jobs is more prevalent among workers ages 18 to 49 compared with those 50 and older: 44% of gig platform workers under 50 fall into this group, compared with 32% of those ages 50 to 64 and even smaller shares of those 65 and older.

Gig platform workers who do not identify as White are also more likely than those who do identify in this way to have earned money via multiple types of gig jobs (48% vs. 30%).

Among those who have ever driven for ride-hailing apps, about six-in-ten (57%) also say they have earned money making deliveries from a restaurant or store for a delivery app. About four-in-ten ride-hailing drivers (37%) say that they have also earned money shopping for or delivering groceries or household items. These patterns reflect companies’ shifts during the pandemic and more generally as ride-hailing platforms have expanded their offerings.

Among the 9% of Americans who have earned money through gig platforms in the past year, about three-in-ten say it has been their main job during this time

The coronavirus outbreak prompted a number of changes for platforms as well as their workers – especially as fluctuating demand for services like food delivery and ride-hailing caused some companies to pivot their operations. At the same time, the economic impacts of the pandemic also left some gig workers struggling to make ends meet.

Amid these rapidly changing circumstances, the Center explored the characteristics and experiences of the 9% of Americans who said in the August 2021 survey that they had earned money on gig platforms in the past year. This group is referred to as current or recent gig workers throughout this report.

The demographic characteristics of these current or recent gig workers are largely similar to those who have ever done this work, both for individual types of jobs and for this work overall. For example, adults under age 30 are more likely than any other age group to say they have earned money in this way during the past 12 months.

The racial and ethnic makeup of current or recent gig workers also mirrors those who have ever earned money in this way. Hispanic adults are more likely than any other racial or ethnic group to have done gig work in the past year; their White counterparts are the least likely among the racial and ethnic groups studied to report the same. Americans with lower incomes are also more likely than those with middle or upper incomes to be current or recent gig workers.

The survey also aimed to understand how these current or recent gig workers think about their work lives: Are the jobs their primary employment or a “side gig,” and how many hours do they spend doing these jobs in a typical week?

Among current or recent gig workers, 31% say this type of work has generally been their main job over the past year. Still, it is far more common for those who do this type of work to classify it as a side job: 68% describe it in this way. 

At the same time, some of these workers spend a notable amount of hours on these jobs. About three-in-ten current or recent gig workers say they spent 10 to 30 hours doing these jobs in a typical week over the past year, including the time they spend waiting for assignments. Only a small share (8%) say they spent more than 30 hours per week doing this work.

The majority of workers, though, say they either spent less than 10 hours (41%) in a typical week or don’t do these jobs most weeks (23%).

Majority of gig platform workers say they think of themselves as independent contractors

Gig platforms – and especially ride-hailing companies – have been at the center of debate over whether their workers should be considered employees or independent contractors. Companies that operate these apps have fought to retain drivers’ independent contractor status while advocacy groups lobby for employee benefits. The classification and broader issues relating to the debate are being taken up by state ballot proposals and city council votes.

In addition to exploring Americans’ overall views on the employee-contractor debate, the August 2021 survey asked those who had ever done gig platform work whether or not they think of themselves as employees working directly for the apps or websites or as independent contractors providing a service on behalf of the apps or websites.

Some 28% of those who have ever done gig platform work say they think of themselves as employees. Still, a much larger share say they think of themselves as independent contractors. Some 7% of all gig platform workers – and higher shares of some groups – did not provide a response when asked.

While majorities of gig platform workers across groups think of themselves as contractors, there are some differences in views by age and political party. Some 37% of workers ages 18 to 29 and roughly three-in-ten of those ages 30 to 49 (29%) say they think of themselves as employees, compared with smaller shares of workers ages 50 and older.⁷

Among gig platform workers, Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party are more likely than Republicans and GOP-leaning independents to say they think of themselves as employees (33% vs. 23%).

The majority of gig platform workers also think of themselves as contractors regardless of when they last did this work. However, those who have earned money in this way during the past year are somewhat more likely to think of themselves as employees compared with those who last earned money more than 12 months ago.

There are broad cultural and political debates about the impact of the gig economy – including the positive and negative effects that it may have on workers. But how do gig workers themselves describe their experiences?

This chapter explores the firsthand experiences of gig platform workers and finds that most Americans who have ever earned money this way view it in a positive light. A majority of current or recent gig workers say they have been satisfied with many aspects of the work over the past 12 months, including the number of jobs available to them and the pay.

Still, some also describe a more troubling side of gig work, including negative encounters such as being treated rudely or feeling unsafe. And amid the uncertainty of the pandemic, roughly half of U.S. adults who have taken on gig jobs in the past 12 months say they’ve been concerned about contracting COVID-19 while completing jobs.

This array of experiences also extends to their financial situations. Some say the income they generate from gig jobs is crucial for meeting their basic needs, while others are far less financially reliant on these jobs. And workers who place a high level of importance on the money they earn via gig platforms are especially likely to say they do this work because of gaps or fluctuations in their income.

Roughly eight-in-ten gig platform workers rate their experiences with these jobs positively

Dozens of headlines have spoken to the unique challenges – particularly amid the pandemic – that some gig workers may have encountered, but most people who take on these jobs rate their own experience as positive rather than negative.

Fully 78% of Americans who have ever earned money through these types of platforms say that their own experiences with these jobs have been at least somewhat positive, including 24% who describe it as very positive. A much smaller share (17%) describe their experience in negative terms.

These positive sentiments extend across demographic groups: Clear majorities of gig workers regardless of age, gender, racial and ethnic background or household income report having a good experience with these jobs.

Money, controlling their own schedule top reasons given for taking on online gig jobs in the past year

When the Center asked Americans who have earned money through these platforms in the past year about some of the possible reasons they took on these jobs, financial motivations and flexibility were at the top of the list.

Among current or recent gig workers, about half or more cite wanting to save up extra money (56%), needing to cover gaps or changes in their income (52%) or being able to control their own schedule (49%) as major reasons for taking on these jobs in the past 12 months.

By comparison, 35% say a major reason why they have taken on these jobs in the past year is because they wanted to be their own boss, 32% say they did this for fun or to have something to do in their spare time and 28% report not having many other job opportunities in their area as a key motivation for doing this work.

For a majority of current or recent gig platform workers, the money they earn through these jobs is essential or important for meeting their basic needs

Beyond understanding the motivations for taking on these kinds of jobs, those who have earned money from gig platforms in the past 12 months were also asked how financially reliant they are on these platforms for meeting their basic needs.

Some 58% of Americans who have earned money through online gig platforms in the past year say the money they earned from taking on these jobs over the past 12 months has been essential (23%) or important (35%) for meeting their basic needs. Others are less dependent on these platforms as a key source of income: 39% state that the money they earn is nice to have but is not needed.

The high level of importance that gig workers place on these earnings is especially prevalent among those who are less affluent. Fully 71% of current or recent gig workers who have lower incomes say the money they earn is at least important for meeting their basic needs, compared with 45% of those with middle incomes.⁸

Those who depend on gig platforms as an income source tend to have different motivations for taking on this work, compared with those who are less financially reliant on the money.

Fully 61% of current or recent gig platform workers who describe the money they earn through these platforms as essential or important for meeting their basic needs say a major reason they have earned money in this way in the past 12 months is because they needed to cover gaps or changes in their income. That compares with 38% who say the money they earn is nice to have, but not needed.

Among gig workers who have done this work in the past year, those who are financially dependent on these platforms are also more likely than those who are not to say they do this type of work because they want to be their own boss (44% vs. 22%) or because they do not have many other job opportunities in their area (34% vs. 21%).

By contrast, there are no statistically significant differences between these two groups when it comes to being motivated to do this work because of flexible scheduling, doing this for fun or saving up extra money.

Those who are more financially reliant on these jobs stand out in other ways. For starters, 38% of current or recent gig workers who say the money they earned through gig jobs in the past 12 months has been essential or important for meeting their basic needs say this type of work has been their main job in the past year, compared with 23% of those who say this money is nice to have but not needed. And those who are more financially dependent on this income are more likely than those who are not to say that in the past year they spent at least 10 hours doing these jobs or tasks in a typical week (46% vs. 24%).

Among gig platform workers, no clear consensus as to the impact the pandemic has had on their personal finances

Despite the coronavirus outbreak triggering a recession, sinking businesses and resulting in millions dropping out of the workforce, a majority of Americans (60%) say their personal financial situation is about the same now as it was before the coronavirus outbreak, and another 18% report it being better. By comparison, 22% of U.S. adults say their financial situation is worse now than before the pandemic.

In some ways, the economic fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic has had a more varied impact on gig workers. Gig workers are more likely than others to report their financial situation has changed during the pandemic – for good and for ill. Three-in-ten gig platform workers say their financial situation now is worse than it was before the coronavirus outbreak, and a similar share (28%) say their finances have actually improved. Still, the largest share (41%) say their financial situation has remained about the same, compared with before the pandemic.

By contrast, those who have no prior experience with earning money through an online gig platform report a more stable economic situation: 63% say their financial situation is about the same now as before the pandemic. Much smaller shares of this group describe their financial situation as either worse (20%) or better (16%) now than before the pandemic.

A majority of gig platform workers who have earned money in the past 12 months say companies have been fair with their assignments, pay; half say the same about benefits

By and large, current or recent gig workers are satisfied with some of the key aspects of their jobs and think companies who run these platforms are fair when it comes to pay and assignments, but there is less consensus when asked about benefits.

A majority of people who have earned money through these platforms in the past 12 months say the companies that run these apps or sites have been very or somewhat fair when it comes to how their jobs are assigned (72%) or their pay (64%).

However, these perceptions about fairness are far more mixed when asked about benefits. Half of recent or current gig workers say that companies have been fair when it comes to their benefits, while a similar share (46%) offers that these firms have been unfair in this regard.

On the other hand, workers are more or less content with many aspects of the jobs they do via these online platforms. About two-thirds of gig workers who have taken on these jobs in the past year say they are at least somewhat satisfied with the number of jobs available to them, how quickly they can find jobs and the amount of money they have earned over this time period.

Fewer than half of gig platform workers say they understand how the companies that run these platforms determine how much they get paid

Overall, 44% of people who have ever earned money through online or delivery platforms say they at least somewhat understand how the companies that run these apps or sites determine how much they get paid, while 52% report understanding this “not too well” or “not at all well.” There are relatively few demographic differences in how these workers describe how well they understand their pay, but age is an exception. Some 26% of these gig workers ages 65 and older say they understand very or somewhat well how the companies that run these platforms have determined how much they get paid, compared with 46% among those adults under the age of 65. 

About four-in-ten gig platform workers say they have at least sometimes been treated rudely, while about one-third have felt unsafe while completing jobs

From satisfaction to their overall experience, gig workers generally give these types of jobs high marks. Still some users describe a far less desirable side of gig work – one that includes rudeness, threats to their safety and sexual harassment.

Some 37% of Americans who have ever earned money through gig platforms say they have often or sometimes been treated rudely while completing jobs via these apps or sites, while a similar share (35%) says they have at least sometimes felt unsafe while on the job. Other negative encounters are more sexual in nature: 19% of gig workers say they have at least sometimes experienced an unwanted sexual advance when doing this kind of work.

These negative encounters are more prevalent among certain groups than others. For example, adults under the age of 65 who have ever earned money on gig platforms are far more likely than those 65 and older to report often or sometimes being treated rudely, feeling unsafe or experiencing an unwanted sexual advance while completing jobs through apps.

Experiences also vary by race and ethnicity, as non-White gig platform workers are more likely than their White counterparts to say they have at least sometimes felt unsafe (41% vs. 28%) or experienced an unwanted sexual advance (24% vs. 13%) while completing jobs.

Additionally, women who have ever earned money through these platforms are more likely than men to say they have often or sometimes been the target of an unwanted sexual experience while completing jobs through these platforms (22% vs. 15%). By contrast, similar shares of gig-working men and women report being treated rudely or feeling unsafe.

About half of current or recent gig platform workers say they have been concerned about getting coronavirus while completing jobs over the past year

The pandemic upended several aspects of everyday life, including activities like in-person shopping or dining out. In fact, many Americans reported feeling uncomfortable with eating out or going to the grocery store in surveys conducted by the Center in March and June 2020.

While gig workers’ interactions with the general public vary by the type of the work they do, the nature of some of the tasks – driving people around in their vehicle or shopping inside of a store – do put some of these workers in close quarters with others.

At the time this survey was fielded in August 2021, 51% of Americans who had earned money through gig platforms in the past year reported being very or somewhat concerned about getting the coronavirus while completing jobs over the past 12 months. A similar share (47%) said they were not too or not at all concerned about catching the virus during this time.

As is true within the general population, concerns about contracting COVID-19 vary by race and ethnicity. While 38% of current or recent White gig workers say they have been at least somewhat concerned over the past year about getting the coronavirus while working these jobs, that share rises to 59% among those who are non-White.

In addition to understanding the experiences and attitudes of gig workers, this survey also examines the consumer side of using online platforms to do things like ordering food or requesting rides. Beyond personal usage, Americans also weigh in on ride-hailing companies and their drivers – including whether drivers are or should be considered employees or contractors, and if the government should be regulating this industry more.

37% of adults say they have used delivery apps to order from a restaurant or store in the past 12 months

Some Americans have taken advantage of mobile apps to order meals, groceries and rides in the past year. Overall, 37% of adults say they have used delivery apps to order from a restaurant or store in the past 12 months, 24% say the same for ordering groceries or household items and 22% have used ride-hailing apps to request rides in the same time frame.

Usage of these apps varies by a number of factors, but most prominently by age. For example, 59% of adults ages 18 to 29 say they have used delivery apps to order from a restaurant or store in the past year, compared with 48% of those ages 30 to 49 and smaller shares of those 50 and older.

Similar age differences exist when it comes to using an app to request rides, with adults under age 30 being the most likely age group to report doing this. And when it comes to ordering groceries or other household items via a smartphone, adults under 50 are significantly more likely to say they had used these services during this time period compared with those over the age of 50.

There are also differences by level of education and community type. Americans who have a bachelor’s or advanced degree are more likely than those who have less formal education to say they have used a mobile app to order from a restaurant or store, order groceries or household items or request rides in the past year.

And Americans living in rural areas are less likely than those living in urban or suburban areas to say they have done each of these things in the past 12 months. Suburbanites are also less likely than urbanites to report that they have requested rides via ride-hailing apps or ordered from a restaurant or store via delivery apps in this period, though there are no differences between these two groups when it comes to using apps to have groceries or household items delivered.

More than nine-in-ten Americans think gig platform work is a good way to earn extra money, but are less convinced of its merits for building a career

In addition to understanding people’s experiences with using these kinds of platforms as consumers, the survey also examined their views about those on the other side of the app and found the public had both positive and negative views about earning money through gig platforms. 

On the positive side, a vast majority of U.S. adults believe gig platform jobs are a generally good way to earn extra money as a side job or to have the ability to work a flexible schedule (94% each say this). Eight-in-ten also said this is a generally a good way for people to be their own boss.

But even as the public gives gig jobs high marks for flexibility and as a way to earn extra cash, they are less convinced that it is a viable way to make a living or build a career. Half of Americans say earning money through gig platforms is a good way to make a living, while a smaller share (31%) believes these jobs are a good way to build a career. In fact, a majority of Americans (68%) said this kind of work is not a good way to build a career.

Americans’ views on the merits of online gig work vary across race and ethnicity, as well as by educational attainment. While majorities across racial, ethnic and educational groups see this kind of work as a good way to earn extra money, have a flexible schedule or for workers to be their own boss, Black, Hispanic or Asian adults are more likely than White adults to say these types of jobs are a good way to make a living or build a career. Those who have a high school diploma or less are also about 20 percentage points more likely than those with a bachelor’s or advanced degree to say these are good ways to make a living or build a career.

There are modest differences between those who have done this kind of work and those who have not when assessing the merits of these jobs. Those who have never earned money via online gig platforms hold slightly more positive views than those who have done so on the questions of whether gig work is a good way for people to earn extra money as a side job (95% vs. 86%), work a flexible schedule (95% vs. 87%) or be their own boss (81% vs. 76%).

About four-in-ten Americans have heard nothing about debates on how ride-hailing drivers should be classified

The debates surrounding whether ride-hailing drivers should be classified as employees or contractors have been heating up as policymakers take up questions of worker classification. In this survey, 56% of Americans say they have heard at least a little about these debates, while 43% report having heard nothing at all about the issue. 

Awareness of these debates varies by educational attainment. Seven-in-ten Americans with a bachelor’s or advanced degree say they have heard at least a little about these debates. That share drops to 54% among those with some college experience and 46% among those with a high school education or less. Those who have ever earned money on online gig platforms are somewhat more likely to say they have heard about the debates (63%) than those who have not earned money in this capacity (55%).

Americans are more likely to say drivers for ride-hailing companies should be classified as independent contractors rather than employees

Lawmakers around the country have debated ride-hailing drivers’ status in recent years as the parent companies and labor groups grapple with whether drivers should be classified as employees or contractors.

This survey finds that a majority of Americans (62%) say the most appropriate way to describe drivers for companies that offer ride-hailing apps like Uber or Lyft is as independent contractors providing a service on behalf of the apps or websites. A smaller share (35%) says these drivers are employees who work directly for the apps or websites.

There is a partisan divide in how the public views this issue. Some 71% of Republicans and independents who lean toward the Republican Party say that these drivers are independent contractors, while a quarter say these drivers are employees who work directly for the companies. By contrast, Democrats and Democratic leaners are more evenly split; but they are still more likely to describe drivers as contractors (54%) than employees (44%).

There are also differences by ideology within each party. Liberal Democrats are more likely than conservative or moderate Democrats to say the most appropriate way to describe drivers who work for ride-hailing apps is as employees. And moderate or liberal Republicans are more likely than conservative Republicans to say these drivers are employees.

Americans’ views on the status of ride-hailing drivers also differ by age. Some 48% of adults ages 18 to 29 say the most appropriate way to describe drivers is as employees, compared with 38% of those ages 30 to 49 and even smaller shares of those 50 and older (27%).

Many state governments are deliberating over the status of ride-hailing drivers – including in California where voters and courts have weighed in. In New York, ride-hailing companies have attempted to negotiate with labor groups who oppose classifying drivers as contractors by offering bargaining rights and some employment benefits. And in Massachusetts, lawsuits have aimed to categorize ride-hailing drivers as employees while other proposals seek to classify them as contractors and expand benefits.

There are only modest differences in Americans’ views on the most appropriate way to classify ride-hailing drivers based on their awareness of these debates. Some 37% of adults who had heard a lot or a little about these debates say drivers are best described as employees, compared with 32% of those who have heard nothing at all.

There are sizeable partisan differences when it comes to views on whether ride-hailing drivers should have more legal protections

Debates over whether drivers should be classified as employees or contractors are tied to conversations about what legal protections that should be afforded to drivers. Experts on the subject say that in many cases, classifying drivers as employees would mean they would be eligible for certain benefits from their employers, such as minimum wage, unemployment insurance and overtime wages.

When asked whether drivers for ride-hailing companies have enough legal protections, a majority of Americans say they should have more protections. Fully 57% of U.S. adults say drivers for ride-hailing apps should have more legal protections from being mistreated by these companies, while 38% think drivers have enough legal protections to ensure these companies treat them fairly.

As was true with classification of ride-hailing drivers, Americans’ views of legal protections for these workers differ by party and ideology. Seven-in-ten Democrats say drivers should have more legal protections, while the share of Republicans who say the same is roughly 30 percentage points lower (43%). There are also significant differences based on ideology. Some 54% of conservative Republicans say drivers have enough legal protections, compared with 44% of moderate or liberal Republicans. Within the Democratic Party, conservatives or moderates are similarly more likely than liberals to say drivers have enough legal protections (33% vs. 20%), although both groups say so at lower rates than Republicans.

The view that drivers should have more protections is more commonly held by younger rather than older Americans. Some 68% of those ages 18 to 29 say drivers should have more legal protections, compared with 61% of those ages 30 to 49 and 50% of those 50 and older. It should be noted, however, that 8% of adults ages 50 and older did not answer this question.

Awareness of debates on the status of ride-hailing drivers also relates to views on protections. Adults who have heard at least a little about these debates are more likely than those who have heard nothing at all to say drivers should have more legal protections (62% vs. 51%).

Roughly half of Americans say the amount of government regulation should be the same as it is now for ride-hailing companies

Although a majority of Americans say drivers should have more legal protections to prevent mistreatment, only a minority are in favor of regulating ride-hailing companies more than they are now.

When asked about government regulation of these companies, the largest share (53%) prefers the status quo, saying that the government should regulate companies that offer ride-hailing apps the same as they are now. Another 28% say the government should regulate the companies more than they are now, while smaller shares support less regulation (15%).

Large divides exist by party. Four-in-ten Democrats say the government should regulate these companies more than they are now, compared with 15% of Republicans. Still, half or more in each political party think the amount of regulation should stay at its current level.

Those who have heard a lot or a little about debates on whether drivers are employees or independent contractors are also 20 points more likely than those who have heard nothing at all about these debates to say the government should regulate these companies more (37% vs. 17%). Similar shares of these groups say the government should regulate companies offering ride-hailing services less than they are now.

This report is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of the following individuals. Find related reports online at pewresearch.org/pewresearch-org/internet.

Primary researchers

Monica Anderson, Associate Director
Colleen McClain, Research Associate
Michelle Faverio, Research Analyst
Risa Gelles-Watnick, Research Assistant

Research team

Lee Rainie, Director, Internet and Technology Research
Andrew Perrin, Research Analyst
Emily A. Vogels, Research Associate

Editorial and graphic design

Margaret Porteus, Information Graphics Designer
David Kent, Senior Copy Editor
Rebecca Ann Leppert, Editorial Assistant

Communications and web publishing

Haley Nolan, Communications Associate
Kelsey Beveridge, Communications Associate
Sara Atske, Associate Digital Producer
Reem Nadeem, Associate Digital Producer

In addition, the project benefited greatly from the guidance of Pew Research Center’s methodology team: Courtney Kennedy, Andrew Mercer, Nick Bertoni, Dorene Asare-Marfo, Nick Hatley, Ashley Amaya and Arnold Lau, as well as from feedback from the following Pew Research Center staff: Juliana Menasce Horowitz, Rakesh Kochhar, Aaron Smith, Cary Funk and Alec Tyson. The Center received invaluable advice in developing the questionnaire from Katharine G. Abraham, Distinguished University Professor, University of Maryland; Alexandrea J. Ravenelle, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; and Siddharth Suri, Senior Principal Researcher, Microsoft Research.

The American Trends Panel survey methodology

Overview

The American Trends Panel (ATP), created by Pew Research Center, is a nationally representative panel of randomly selected U.S. adults. Panelists participate via self-administered web surveys. Panelists who do not have internet access at home are provided with a tablet and wireless internet connection. Interviews are conducted in both English and Spanish. The panel is being managed by Ipsos.

Data in this report is drawn from the panel wave conducted from Aug. 23 to Aug. 29, 2021. A total of 10,348 panelists responded out of 11,178 who were sampled, for a response rate of 93%. The cumulative response rate accounting for nonresponse to the recruitment surveys and attrition is 4%. The break-off rate among panelists who logged on to the survey and completed at least one item is less than 1%. The margin of sampling error for the full sample of 10,348 respondents is plus or minus 1.6 percentage points.

Panel recruitment

The ATP was created in 2014, with the first cohort of panelists invited to join the panel at the end of a large, national, landline and cellphone random-digit-dial survey that was conducted in both English and Spanish. Two additional recruitments were conducted using the same method in 2015 and 2017, respectively. Across these three surveys, a total of 19,718 adults were invited to join the ATP, of whom 9,942 (50%) agreed to participate.

In August 2018, the ATP switched from telephone to address-based recruitment. Invitations were sent to a stratified, random sample of households selected from the U.S. Postal Service’s Delivery Sequence File. Sampled households receive mailings asking a randomly selected adult to complete a survey online. A question at the end of the survey asks if the respondent is willing to join the ATP. Starting in 2020, another stage was added to the recruitment. Households that do not respond to the online survey are sent a paper version of the questionnaire, $5 and a postage-paid return envelope. A subset of the adults returning the paper version of the survey are invited to join the ATP. This subset of adults receives a follow-up mailing with a $10 pre-incentive and invitation to join the ATP.

Across the four address-based recruitments, a total of 19,578 adults were invited to join the ATP, of whom 17,257 agreed to join the panel and completed an initial profile survey. In each household, the adult with the next birthday was asked to go online to complete a survey, at the end of which they were invited to join the panel. Of the 27,199 individuals who have ever joined the ATP, 12,629 remained active panelists and continued to receive survey invitations at the time this survey was conducted.

The U.S. Postal Service’s Delivery Sequence File has been estimated to cover as much as 98% of the population, although some studies suggest that the coverage could be in the low 90% range.⁹ The American Trends Panel never uses breakout routers or chains that direct respondents to additional surveys.

Sample design

The overall target population for this survey was non-institutionalized persons ages 18 and older, living in the U.S., including Alaska and Hawaii. Panelists who had not yet completed the annual profile survey were ineligible.

Questionnaire development and testing

The questionnaire was developed by Pew Research Center in consultation with Ipsos. The web program was rigorously tested on both PC and mobile devices by the Ipsos project management team and Pew Research Center researchers. The Ipsos project management team also populated test data that was analyzed in SPSS to ensure the logic and randomizations were working as intended before launching the survey.

Incentives

All respondents were offered a post-paid incentive for their participation. Respondents could choose to receive the post-paid incentive in the form of a check or a gift code to Amazon.com or could choose to decline the incentive. Incentive amounts ranged from $5 to $20 depending on whether the respondent belongs to a part of the population that is harder or easier to reach. Differential incentive amounts were designed to increase panel survey participation among groups that traditionally have low survey response propensities.

Data collection protocol

The data collection field period for this survey was Aug. 23 to Aug. 29, 2021. Postcard notifications were mailed to all ATP panelists with a known residential address on Aug. 23, 2021. 

Invitations were sent out in two separate launches: Soft Launch and Full Launch. Sixty panelists were included in the soft launch, which began with an initial invitation sent on Aug. 23, 2021. The ATP panelists chosen for the initial soft launch were known responders who had completed previous ATP surveys within one day of receiving their invitation. All remaining English- and Spanish-speaking panelists were included in the full launch and were sent an invitation later that same day on Aug. 23, 2021.

All panelists with an email address received an email invitation and up to two email reminders if they did not respond to the survey. All ATP panelists that consented to SMS messages received an SMS invitation and up to two SMS reminders.

Data quality checks

To ensure high-quality data, the Center’s researchers performed data quality checks to identify any respondents showing clear patterns of satisficing. This includes checking for very high rates of leaving questions blank, as well as always selecting the first or last answer presented. As a result of this checking, two ATP respondents were removed from the survey dataset prior to weighting and analysis.

Weighting

The ATP data was weighted in a multistep process that accounts for multiple stages of sampling and nonresponse that occur at different points in the survey process. First, each panelist begins with a base weight that reflects their probability of selection for their initial recruitment survey. Among respondents to this survey, the base weights for panelists recruited in different years were scaled to be proportionate to the effective sample size for all respondents in their cohort. These base weights were then calibrated to align with the population benchmarks identified in the accompanying table and trimmed at the 1st and 99th percentiles to reduce the loss in precision stemming from variance in the weights. Sampling errors and test of statistical significance take into account the effect of weighting.

The population benchmarks used for weighting come from surveys conducted prior to the coronavirus outbreak that began in February 2020. However, the weighting variables for panelists recruited in 2021 were measured at the time they were recruited to the panel. Likewise, the profile variables for existing panelists were updated from panel surveys conducted in July or August 2021.

This does not pose a problem for most of the variables used in the weighting, which are quite stable at both the population and individual levels. However, volunteerism and party identification in particular may have changed over the intervening period in ways that made their 2021 measurements incompatible with the available (pre-pandemic) benchmarks. To address this, volunteerism and party identification are weighted using the profile variables that were measured in 2020. For all other weighting dimensions, the more recent panelist measurements from 2021 are used.

For panelists recruited in 2021, plausible values were imputed using the 2020 volunteerism and party values from existing panelists with similar characteristics. This ensures that any patterns of change that were observed in the existing panelists were also reflected in the new recruits when the weighting was performed.

The following table shows the unweighted sample sizes and the error attributable to sampling that would be expected at the 95% level of confidence for different groups in the survey.

Sample sizes and sampling errors for other subgroups are available upon request. In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.

Dispositions and response rates

A note about the Asian American sample

This survey includes a total sample size of 361 Asian Americans. The sample includes English-speaking Asian Americans only and, therefore, may not be representative of the overall Asian American population. Despite this limitation, it is important to report the views of Asian Americans on the topics in this study. As always, Asian Americans’ responses are incorporated into the general population figures throughout this report. Asian Americans are shown as a separate group when the question was asked of the full sample. Because of the relatively small sample size and a reduction in precision due to weighting, results are not shown separately for Asian Americans for questions that were only asked of a random half of respondents (Form 1/Form 2) or some filtered questions. We are also not able to analyze Asian American respondents by demographic categories, such as gender, age or education.

A note about the non-White sample for gig platform workers

The NET non-White category for gig platform workers includes those who identify as Black, Asian, Hispanic, some other race or multiple races. It is the unit of analysis in this report for findings among gig platform workers because the sample sizes for some of the non-White categories are too small to analyze individually. The combined category is used in this report so that broad comparisons can be made to highlight differences between groups. When possible, Pew Research Center prefers to break out subgroups to show the differences that may exist between groups of people. The use of a NET non-White category is not intended to obscure the fact that the experiences and behaviors of Black Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Americans of other races and ethnicities may be quite different.

Adjusting income and defining income tiers

To create upper-, middle- and lower-income tiers, respondents’ 2020 family incomes were adjusted for differences in purchasing power by geographic region and household size. “Middle-income” adults live in families with annual incomes that are two-thirds to double the median family income in the panel (after incomes have been adjusted for the local cost of living and household size). The middle-income range for the American Trends Panel is about $42,000 to $125,900 annually for an average family of three. Lower-income families have incomes less than roughly $42,000, and upper-income families have incomes greater than roughly $125,900 (all figures expressed in 2020 dollars).

Based on these adjustments, 32% of respondents are lower income, 46% are middle income and 16% fall into the upper-income tier. An additional 5% either didn’t offer a response to the income question or the household size question.

For more information about how the income tiers were determined, please see here.

© Pew Research Center, 2021