Pew Research Center

FOR RELEASE OCTOBER 1, 2018

Trump’s International Ratings Remain Low, Especially Among Key Allies

Most still want U.S. as top global power, but see China on the rise

BY Richard Wike, Bruce Stokes, Jacob Poushter, Laura Silver, Janell Fetterolf and Kat Devlin

FOR MEDIA OR OTHER INQUIRIES:

Communications Department
202.419.4372
www.pewresearch.org

RECOMMENDED CITATION

Pew Research Center, October 2018, "Trump’s International Ratings Remain Low, Especially Among Key Allies"

About Pew Research Center

Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan, nonadvocacy fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It does not take policy positions. The Center conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, computational social science research and other data-driven research. It studies politics and policy; news habits and media; the internet and technology; religion; race and ethnicity; international affairs; social, demographic and economic trends; science; research methodology and data science; and immigration and migration. Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder.

© Pew Research Center 2026

Table of contents

  • About Pew Research Center
  • Trump’s International Ratings Remain Low, Especially Among Key Allies
  • 1. America’s international image continues to suffer
  • 2. Faith in the U.S. president remains low
  • 3. China’s power seen as rising more than other major nations
  • 4. Most prefer that U.S., not China, be the world’s leading power
  • 5. International publics divided on China
  • Acknowledgments
  • Methodology
  • Appendix A: Detailed Tables

Trump’s International Ratings Remain Low, Especially Among Key Allies

Most still want U.S. as top global power, but see China on the rise

America’s global image plummeted following the election of President Donald Trump, amid widespread opposition to his administration’s policies and a widely shared lack of confidence in his leadership. Now, as the second anniversary of Trump’s election approaches, a new 25-nation Pew Research Center survey finds that Trump’s international image remains poor, while ratings for the United States are much lower than during Barack Obama’s presidency.

Chart showing America’s international image in 2018

The poll also finds that international publics express significant concerns about America’s role in world affairs. Large majorities say the U.S. doesn’t take into account the interests of countries like theirs when making foreign policy decisions. Many believe the U.S. is doing less to help solve major global challenges than it used to. And there are signs that American soft power is waning as well, including the fact that, while the U.S. maintains its reputation for respecting individual liberty, fewer believe this than a decade ago.

Even though America’s image has declined since Trump’s election, on balance the U.S. still receives positive marks – across the 25 nations polled, a median of 50% have a favorable opinion of the U.S., while 43% offer an unfavorable rating. However, a median of only 27% say they have confidence in President Trump to do the right thing in world affairs; 70% lack confidence in him.

Frustrations with the U.S. in the Trump era are particularly common among some of America’s closest allies and partners. In Germany, where just 10% have confidence in Trump, three-in-four people say the U.S. is doing less these days to address global problems, and the share of the public who believe the U.S. respects personal freedoms is down 35 percentage points since 2008. In France, only 9% have confidence in Trump, while 81% think the U.S. doesn’t consider the interests of countries like France when making foreign policy decisions.

Critical views are also widespread among America’s closest neighbors. Only 25% of Canadians rate Trump positively, more than six-in-ten (63%) say the U.S. is doing less than in the past to address global problems, and 82% think the U.S. ignores Canada’s interests when making policy. Meanwhile, Trump’s lowest ratings on the survey are found in Mexico, where just 6% express confidence in his leadership.

One exception to this pattern is Israel. After a year in which the Trump administration generated international controversy by moving the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, his positive rating jumped to 69%, up from 56% in 2017.

Around the world, publics are divided about the direction of American power: Across the 25 nations surveyed, a median of 31% say the U.S. plays a more important role in the world today than it did ten years ago; 25% say it plays a less important role; and 35% believe the U.S. is as important as it was a decade ago.

In contrast, views about Chinese power are clear: A median of 70% say China’s role on the world stage has grown over the past 10 years. Still, by a slim margin, more people name the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power (a median of 39% say the U.S., 34% say China).

And despite the unease many feel about the U.S. at the moment, the idea of a U.S.-led world order is still attractive to most. When asked which would be better for the world, having China or the U.S. as the top global power, people in nearly every country tend to select the U.S., and this is particularly common among some of China’s Asia-Pacific neighbors, such as Japan, the Philippines, South Korea and Australia.

Chart showing how people see the balance of power between the U.S. and China.

These are among the major findings from a new Pew Research Center survey conducted among 26,112 respondents in 25 countries from May 20 to Aug. 12, 2018. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 use additional data from a Pew Research Center survey of 1,500 U.S. adults conducted from May 14 to June 15, 2018.

U.S. receives some of its most negative ratings in Europe

Although perceptions of the U.S. are on balance positive, they vary considerably among the nations surveyed. Ten of the 25 countries in this year’s survey are European Union member states, and across these EU nations a median of just 43% offer a favorable opinion of the U.S. Meanwhile, half or more in four of the five Asia-Pacific nations polled give the U.S. a positive rating, including 83% in the Philippines, one of the highest ratings in the survey. The U.S. also gets high marks in South Korea, where 80% have a positive view of the U.S. and confidence in President Trump has increased over the past year from 17% to 44%.

As has largely been the case since Pew Research Center’s first Global Attitudes survey in 2002, attitudes toward the U.S. in sub-Saharan Africa are largely positive, with Kenyans, Nigerians and South Africans expressing mostly favorable opinions in this year’s poll. The three Latin American nations polled offer differing views about the U.S., with Brazilians voicing mostly favorable reviews, while Argentines and Mexicans are mostly negative. And the two Middle Eastern nations in the study – Israel and Tunisia – offer strikingly different assessments.

Map showing that favorable views of U.S. prevail in many countries

The country giving the U.S. its lowest rating in the survey, and the place where the biggest drop in U.S. favorability has taken place over the past year, is Russia. Just 26% of Russians have a favorable opinion of the U.S., compared with 41% in 2017. A 55% majority of Russians say relations have gotten worse in the past year, and the share of the public with a positive view of Trump has dropped from 53% to 19%.

Good reviews for Merkel and Macron, poor marks for Xi, Putin, Trump

Chart showing that Merkel and Macron are viewed with more confidence internationally than Xi, Putin or Trump.

The survey examined attitudes toward five world leaders, and overall Donald Trump receives the most negative ratings among the five. A median of 70% across the 25 nations polled lack confidence in the American leader. Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping also receive mostly negative reviews.

In contrast, opinions about German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron are generally positive. Both leaders are mostly popular in the EU, although there are regional divides within Europe, with Merkel and Macron receiving favorable ratings in the Northern European nations surveyed and less stellar reviews in Eastern and Southern Europe.

European attitudes toward Trump are strikingly negative, especially when compared with the ratings his predecessor received while in office. Looking at four European nations Pew Research Center has surveyed consistently since 2003 reveals a clear pattern regarding perceptions of American presidents. George W. Bush, whose foreign policies were broadly unpopular in Europe, got low ratings during his presidency, while the opposite was true for Barack Obama, who enjoyed strong approval in these four nations during his time in office. Following the 2016 election, confidence in the president plunged, with Trump’s ratings resembling what Bush received near the end of his second term (although Trump’s numbers are up slightly in the United Kingdom this year).

Line chart showing that confidence in Trump remains low in key EU countries.

In several European nations, Trump receives higher ratings from supporters of right-wing populist parties. For example, among people in the UK who have a favorable view of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), 53% express confidence in Trump, compared with only 21% among those with an unfavorable view of UKIP. Similar divides exist among supporters and detractors of right-wing populist parties in Sweden, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Germany. However, it is worth noting that, other than in the UK, there is no European country in which more than half of right-wing populist party supporters say they have confidence in Trump.

Chart showing that supporters of right-wing populist parties are more likely to have confidence in Trump.

Chart showing that fewer now say U.S. takes into account their interests.

Few think the U.S. takes their interests into account

A common criticism about American foreign policy over the past decade and a half has been that the U.S. only looks after its own interests in world affairs, ignoring the interests of other nations. As Pew Research Center surveys showed, this belief was especially prevalent during George W. Bush’s presidency, when many around the world thought the U.S. was pursuing unilateralist, and unpopular, policies. Strong opposition to the Iraq War and other elements of Bush’s foreign policy led to rising complaints about the U.S. acting alone and ignoring the interests and concerns of other nations.

Opinions shifted following Barack Obama’s election, with more people saying the U.S. considers their country’s interest, although even during the Obama years the prevailing global sentiment was that the U.S. doesn’t necessarily consider other countries. Now, the Trump presidency has brought an increase in the number of people in many nations saying the U.S. essentially doesn’t listen to countries like theirs when making foreign policy.

This pattern is especially pronounced among some of America’s top allies and partners. For instance, while the share of the French public who believe the U.S. considers their national interest has not been very high at any point over the past decade and a half, it reached a low point near the end of Bush’s second term (11% in 2007), rose somewhat during Obama’s presidency (35% in 2013) and has declined once more under Trump. Today, just 18% in France say the U.S. considers the interests of countries like theirs when making policy.

Line chart showing that a shrinking share in the EU believes U.S. respects its people’s personal freedoms.

Fewer, especially in Europe, say U.S. respects individual liberty

America’s reputation as a defender of individual liberty has generally been strong in Pew Research Center surveys since we first started asking about it in 2008. The prevailing view among the publics surveyed has typically been that the U.S. government respects the personal liberties of its people, and that is true again in this year’s poll. However, this opinion has become less common over time, and the decline has been particularly sharp among key U.S. partners in Europe, North America and Asia.

The decline began during the Obama administration following revelations about the National Security Agency’s electronic eavesdropping on communications around the world, and it has continued during the first two years of the Trump presidency. The drop is especially prominent in Western Europe, where the share of the public saying Washington respects personal freedom has declined sharply since 2013.

The same pattern is found among several other U.S. allies as well, including Canada, where the percentage saying the U.S. respects individual freedom has dropped from 75% to 38% since 2013, and Australia, where it has gone from 72% to 45%.

Chart showing that China is seen as having more influence in the world over the past decade.

China seen as a rising power

Respondents to the survey were read a list of seven major nations, and for each one, were asked whether they think it is playing a more important, less important, or as important of a role in the world compared with 10 years ago. Among the seven countries tested, China stands apart: A median of 70% across the nations polled say Beijing plays a more important role today than a decade ago. Half or more in 23 of 25 countries express this view.

Many also say this about Russia. A median of 42% believe Moscow’s role on the world stage has grown over the past decade, and majorities hold this view in Greece, Israel, Tunisia and Russia itself. Overall, people are split on whether Germany’s role is greater than it was 10 years ago or about the same, but many in Europe see Germany’s role as more influential. On the other hand, Europeans are particularly likely to think the UK is less important now.

There is no real consensus in views of America’s prominence in world affairs. A median of 35% believe it is as important as it was 10 years ago, while 31% say it is more important and 25% say less. Japan is the only country with a majority saying that Washington plays a less important role. Meanwhile, Israelis, Nigerians and Kenyans are particularly likely to think the U.S. is more important than it used to be.

Chart showing that in many countries, large majorities prefer U.S. leadership.

Most still want U.S., not China, as top power

In addition to being asked about whether major powers are rising, falling or staying about the same, respondents were asked the following question about whether they would prefer the U.S. or China to be the top global power: “Thinking about the future, if you had to choose, which of the following scenarios would be better for the world: the U.S. is the world’s leading power or China is the world’s leading power?” Results show that the U.S. is overwhelmingly the top choice.

The U.S. is named more often than China in every country surveyed except three: Argentina, Tunisia and Russia, although in many nations significant numbers volunteer that it would be good for the world if both or neither were the leading power.

Some of America’s allies in Asia and elsewhere are particularly likely to prefer a future in which the U.S. is the top global power. Two-thirds or more hold this opinion in Japan, the Philippines, Sweden, South Korea, Australia, Canada, the Netherlands, Poland and the UK.

 

Country spotlights: Germany, Mexico, Canada, Japan, Israel

Findings from Germany, Mexico, Canada, Japan and Israel illustrate key patterns and major differences in how foreign publics view the U.S. in 2018.

Line chart showing that negative ratings for Trump and U.S. in Germany continue.

Germany: A sharp negative turn in the Trump era

Germany stands out as a country where America’s image is considerably more negative today than during the Barack Obama era. Whereas Obama was extremely popular in Germany (although his ratings did decline somewhat following the NSA scandal), only around one-in-ten Germans have voiced confidence in Trump in each of the past two years, ratings similar to those registered for George W. Bush at the end of his second term. Germany stands out on other measures as well. It is the country with the highest percentage (80%) saying relations with the U.S. have deteriorated over the past year, and it is tied with Sweden for the largest share of the public (75%) saying the U.S. is doing less to confront global problems. Germany is also where the biggest declines have taken place in recent years regarding the belief that the U.S. respects personal freedom and that Washington listens to other countries in international affairs.

Line chart showing that in Mexico, fewer than one-in-ten rate Trump positively.

Mexico: Strong opposition to Trump

Mexico is where Trump gets his lowest ratings on the survey: Just 6% in the United States’ southern neighbor have confidence in him. Last year, more than nine-in-ten Mexicans opposed Trump’s plan to build a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border. This year, 66% in Mexico say relations have gotten worse over the past 12 months.

Line chart showing that in Canada, only a quarter of the public has confidence in Trump.

Canada: U.S. favorability hits a low point

Just 39% of Canadians express a favorable opinion of the U.S. in 2018, the lowest percentage since Pew Research Center began polling in Canada in 2002. Only 25% have confidence in Trump, although he gets more positive ratings among those who feel closest to the Conservative Party (44%) than among those who identify with the New Democratic Party (17%) or the ruling Liberal Party (10%). Fully 82% say the U.S. ignores Canada’s interests when making foreign policy.

Line chart showing that fewer than a third of Japan’s adults have confidence in Trump, but U.S. favorability remains high.

Japan: Low ratings for Trump, but overall assessment of U.S. recovers

Japanese trust in the U.S. president has also suffered under Donald Trump, but America’s overall image has not. In 2018, just three-in-ten Japanese say they have confidence in Trump’s handling of world affairs, a slight improvement over their view in 2017, but significantly lower than their views of the U.S. president throughout the Obama administration. Opinion of Trump is comparable to sentiment about George W. Bush during his time in office. Fully 67% of Japanese, however, have a favorable view of the U.S., up 10 percentage points from last year. Despite the high ratings for the U.S., there are concerns in Japan about the trajectory of American power – it is the only country where a majority (55%) believes the U.S. is less powerful than 10 years ago.

Line chart showing rising support for Trump in Israel.

Israel: Trump’s ratings improved

Confidence in President Trump has increased significantly in Israel since 2017. Trump also receives substantially higher ratings than Obama got near the end of his second term, although they are very similar to the high ratings for Obama in 2014, before tensions rose between his administration and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the Iran nuclear deal. As has been the case in recent years, around eight-in-ten Israelis express a favorable opinion about the U.S. At 52%, Israelis are more likely than any other public surveyed to say the U.S. is doing more to address global problems than a few years ago. Israel also tops the list in terms of the share of the public (79%) saying that relations with the U.S. have improved in the past year.

The rest of the report delves into these and other findings in more detail. Chapter 1 explores overall attitudes toward the U.S., America’s approach to foreign policy, whether the U.S. government respects individual liberty, and relations between survey countries and the U.S. Chapter 2 examines ratings for President Trump and other world leaders. Chapter 3 looks at opinions regarding whether specific major nations are playing a more or less important role in world affairs than in the past. Chapter 4 explores views about the balance of power between the U.S. and China, while Chapter 5 examines China’s global image.

CORRECTION (December 2018): The data in this report and the accompanying topline have been corrected to reflect a revised weight for Australia in 2018. The changes due to this adjustment are very minor and do not materially change the analysis of the report.

 

1. America’s international image continues to suffer

A year after global opinion of the United States dropped precipitously, favorable views of the U.S. remain at historic lows in many countries polled. In addition, more say bilateral relations with the U.S. have worsened, rather than improved, over the past year. Among possible sources of resentment is the widespread perception that the U.S. does not consider the interests of other countries when making foreign policy decisions. More generally, relatively few see the U.S. stepping up more to solve international problems.

Some changes in U.S. image in last year, but no major recovery from 2017

In the 2018 survey, opinions of the U.S. vary greatly around the world, with enthusiastic ratings among people in Israel, the Philippines and South Korea, and unenthusiastic ratings in Germany, Russia and Mexico.

Divergent opinions of the U.S. are quite evident in Europe, where favorable views range from seven-in-ten in Poland to three-in-ten in neighboring Germany. Half in the United Kingdom have a positive opinion of the U.S., while only 38% in France agree.

Across the 10 European countries, views of the U.S. tilt toward the negative (a median of 43% favorable vs. 52% unfavorable).

Chart showing that views of the U.S. are generally positive, but sour among closest European and North American allies.

Compared with the end of Barack Obama’s presidency, positive opinions of the U.S. have declined significantly in seven of the EU countries surveyed. This includes dips of 27 percentage points in Germany, 25 points in France and 11 points in the UK. However, favorable opinions of the U.S. have not changed much over the same time period in Poland, Greece or Hungary.

In North America, however, positive views of the U.S. are sharply down from the last reading in the Obama presidency in both Mexico (-34 percentage points) and Canada (-26 points). These have remained stable in the first two years of the Trump presidency.

Among allies in Asia, views of the U.S. have trended slightly downward since Donald Trump became president. Overall, opinions of the U.S. are quite positive in South Korea (80%), Japan (67%) and Australia (54%). Views of the U.S. are also very positive in the Philippines but mixed in Indonesia.

Across the 25 countries surveyed in the past two years, in 14 there was not a significant change in favorable views toward the U.S.

In five countries, there has been an increase in positive sentiment toward the U.S., most notably in Kenya (+16 percentage points), Spain (+11), Japan (+10) and Tunisia (+10).

The biggest drop in views of the U.S. since 2017 was in Russia, where only 26% have a positive image of the U.S. compared with the 41% who said this last year. However, only 15% of Russians had a positive view of the U.S. in 2015.

In 2018, an overwhelming number of Israelis (83%) have positive impressions of the U.S., but it is close to unanimous among Israeli Jews (94% favorable). Only 43% of Israeli Arabs feel the same way.

Among the three sub-Saharan African countries surveyed, views of the U.S. are very positive. In South Africa, favorable opinions of the U.S. are somewhat divided by race. Among white South Africans, 69% have a favorable view of the U.S., but only 56% among the black population and 54% among mixed-race people, also called “coloured” in South Africa, agree.

In Latin America opinions are mixed, with positive views of the U.S. among Brazilians and very negative views among Mexicans.

Chart showing that in many countries, the young are more positive than older generations about the U.S.

In 10 of the countries surveyed, young people ages 18 to 29 are more favorable toward the U.S. than those who are 50 years of age and older. For example, in Brazil, 72% of 18- to 29-year-olds have warm feelings toward the U.S. compared with 42% among those 50 and older, a 30-percentage-point difference.

Large double-digit differences by age also occur in such disparate places as Russia (+27 points), Spain (+20), Tunisia (+19), Germany (+16) and Argentina (+16).

Chart showing that in some countries, more men than women see the U.S. positively.

In addition to differences by age, there are also gender divides in some of the countries surveyed. In most cases, it is men that have a more favorable opinion of the U.S.

For example, 46% of Canadian men share a positive view of the U.S. compared with only one-third of women. Similar double-digit gaps exist between men and women in Australia, Sweden and Spain.

Only in one country surveyed do women have a more favorable view of the U.S.: Tunisia. There, 42% of women have a favorable opinion of the U.S. compared with 32% of men.

Chart showing that those on the political right tend to be more favorable toward the U.S.

Another consistent demographic difference on U.S. favorability is by ideology, with those on the right of the political spectrum expressing warmer feelings toward the U.S. than those on the left.

Israel stands out clearly as an example. Nearly all Israelis who put themselves on the political right have a favorable opinion of the U.S. (94%, vs. 57% on the political left). This 37-percentage-point difference is the largest ideological divide in the survey.

Those on the right are also more keen on the U.S. in Sweden (+26 points), Australia (+26), Spain (+21), France (+20) and the UK (+20).

Similarly, the U.S. is seen more positively among Europeans who have a favorable view of populist parties within their countries.

For example, among people in France who have a favorable view of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (formerly known as the National Front), 57% have a positive opinion of the U.S. vs. only 36% among those who have a negative opinion of the National Rally. Similar divides exist among supporters and detractors of Alternative for Germany (AfD) in Germany; the League (formerly called the Northern League) and the Five Star Movement in Italy; UKIP in the UK; Jobbik in Hungary; and the Party for Freedom in the Netherlands.

Chart showing that the U.S. civil liberties record is criticized in Canada, Western Europe and Mexico, but generally viewed positively elsewhere.

America’s reputation on civil liberties is still positive but tarnished among key allies

Across 25 countries where the question was asked, most say that the U.S. government respects the personal freedoms of its own people. But shifts, especially in Europe, show that people are more critical of the civil liberties record under President Trump than under prior administrations.

Europeans, along with Canadians and Mexicans, are the most skeptical that the U.S. government respects Americans’ freedoms. Majorities in Spain, Mexico, Germany, Sweden, the Netherlands, France and Canada all say that the U.S. fails to respect the rights of its people. Poles, Hungarians and Italians buck the European sentiment, with more than half in each country saying the U.S. does respect civil liberties.

In the Asia-Pacific nations surveyed, most people think the U.S. protects personal freedoms at home. Australia is the exception, with about half saying that the U.S. does not respect its people’s freedoms (51%) and slightly fewer (45%) saying it does.

In Israel, 81% say the American government respects personal freedoms, and 71% of Tunisians agree.

About half or more in Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa also have this view.

There has been a notable decline in European faith that the U.S. respects Americans’ rights since last year. In fact, among the 10 European countries surveyed, in all but Greece there has been a significant decline in those saying the U.S. respects personal rights, with the most dramatic falloff in the Netherlands (-17 percentage points).

Looking back over the past few years, far fewer people across the countries surveyed say the U.S. government respects personal rights. In fact, in 17 of the countries surveyed in both 2013 and 2018, there has been a significant downward shift in the share saying the U.S. respects its people’s rights. Only one country, Tunisia, has seen an improvement.

Table showing that views are changing on the U.S. government’s respect for the freedoms of its people.

 

Line chart showing that European views about U.S. protection of personal freedoms are shifting.

Views on whether the U.S. respects the personal freedoms of its people have shifted most dramatically among five European countries that have been surveyed since the Bush administration in 2008. Among these five countries (France, Germany, Poland, Spain and the UK) more now say that the U.S. government does not respect the personal freedoms of its people (a median of 57%) than say it does (40%).

The shift began in the sixth year of the Obama administration, after the National Security Agency spying scandal, but it has accelerated this past year. Since 2013, there has been a large increase in sentiment across these five countries that the U.S. does not respect personal freedoms, with a corollary fall among those who say it does.

Chart showing that few see the U.S. as increasing its involvement in global issues.

Only a small share says the U.S. is doing more to address global problems

When it comes to U.S. contributions to the global community, people are generally split as to whether the U.S. is doing less (median of 37%) or about the same as it used to (34%) compared with a few years ago. Only a small share (14%) believe the U.S. has increased its involvement.

The view that the U.S. is doing less to solve international problems is especially widespread in Canada and Western Europe. More than half say this in Germany (75%), Sweden (75%), the Netherlands (62%), the UK (55%) and France (53%). However, only a quarter or fewer in Greece (25%) and Poland (22%) share the view that the U.S. is retreating from the world stage.

In the Asia-Pacific region, opinion is more evenly divided between those who say the U.S. is doing less and people who believe its involvement in tackling international issues is little changed. In Indonesia and the Philippines, the prevailing view is that the level of U.S. global engagement is about the same as a few years ago.

Israel is the most convinced that the global role of the U.S. has grown in the past two years: About half (52%) say the U.S. is doing more to address global problems.

Table showing that those who lack trust in Trump see the U.S. as contributing less to global solutions.

 

In sub-Saharan Africa, Kenyans are divided: 42% say the U.S. is doing more, compared with 38% who think it’s doing less. Nearly half of Nigerians (48%) credit the U.S. with doing more, while only 27% say the U.S. is doing less to help address major issues.

In the three Latin American countries surveyed, roughly half or more say that U.S. efforts are unchanged.

Views of American involvement in global solutions differ greatly depending on expressed confidence in President Trump. In 17 of the 25 countries surveyed, people who do not trust Trump to do the right thing in world affairs are significantly more likely than those who have confidence in him to say that the U.S. is less involved in tackling global problems. The magnitude of the difference is striking in some countries: There is a gap of at least 20 percentage points in Canada, the Netherlands, Israel, Australia, Sweden, the UK, South Korea, Tunisia, Italy and Japan.

Few say the U.S. considers their country’s interests

Chart showing that globally, few believe the U.S. takes their country’s interest into account.

Across the 25 countries where the question was asked, a median of just 28% say the U.S. takes their country’s interests into account when making international decisions. In fact, majorities across Europe, and in neighboring Canada and Mexico, say that the U.S. does not take into account their interests when making foreign policy.

Perceptions of American foreign policy as not taking into account their country’s interests are also widespread in South Korea, where U.S. foreign policy has been especially active on the issue of North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. Three-fourths of South Koreans say Washington does not consider their interests.

Only in Israel, the Philippines, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa do half or more say that the American government takes into account their interests a great deal or fair amount when making foreign policy decisions.

Since the question was last asked in 2013, 14 of the countries surveyed have seen significant declines in the share of people who say the U.S. considers their country’s interests.

The biggest decline has been in Germany, where half in 2013 said the U.S. considered their country’s interests, compared with 19% today – a 31-percentage-point drop.

Sharp declines also occurred in South Africa, Brazil, Mexico, France, Italy and Kenya.

In three countries surveyed in both 2013 and 2018, more people today think the U.S. considers their country’s interests: Greece, Tunisia and Israel. Among these, Israel saw the biggest increase, perhaps due to recent U.S. actions, such as scrapping the Iran nuclear deal and moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem.

Chart showing the belief that the U.S. considers other countries’ interests in foreign policy has returned to its 2007 level.

Looking across 14 countries surveyed in 2007, 2009, 2013 and 2018, opinions on whether the U.S. considers other countries’ interests have shifted under three different American presidents.

In 2007, toward the end of the Bush administration, a median of 71% across the 14 countries said that the U.S. did not take into account other countries’ interests when making foreign policy, compared with 26% who said the U.S. did. Attitudes shifted at the beginning of the Obama administration in 2009. Nations such as Germany (+27 percentage points), France (+23 points), the UK (+19), South Korea (+19) Canada (+18) and Russia (+12) saw double-digit increases in the share of people who felt the U.S. took their country’s interests into consideration. Yet, overall, a majority across the countries polled in both years still felt the U.S. did not consider their interests. By 2013, little had changed. Now, in the first reading of such sentiment in the Trump administration, a 14-country median of 72% say the U.S. does not consider their nations’ interests and only 27% say it does.

Most say relations between their country and the U.S. have not changed over the past year

Chart showing that many view relations with the U.S. as unchanged since 2017.

Although many believe that the U.S. does not take their country’s interests into account, relatively few describe worsening relations with the U.S. Pluralities in roughly half of the 25 nations surveyed say relations with the U.S. have remained stable over the past year.

Among those who have perceived a change in their country’s relationship with the U.S., slightly more believe that relations have worsened (median of 21%) than believe they have improved (median of 16%).

Canadians hold generally negative views of their relationship with their southern neighbor. Roughly two-thirds (66%) say relations have gotten worse while only 4% say they have improved.

Germans have the most negative view of their relationship with the U.S. Eight-in-ten say it has deteriorated since 2017. In comparison, at least four-in-ten in every other European nation say their interactions with the U.S. have generally stayed the same.

A majority of Russians also see their relationship with the U.S. as having soured. Roughly one-third do not see a difference over the past year, while 11% believe U.S.-Russia relations have improved.

On the opposite side of the spectrum, Israel has by far the most positive view of U.S. relations. Nearly eight-in-ten say their country’s relationship with the U.S. has gotten better.

Publics in sub-Saharan Africa also tend to see their relationship with the U.S. as improving. More than half in Kenya and 48% in Nigeria say things have gotten better over the past year.

Views in Latin America are more mixed. While pluralities in Argentina and Brazil say that relations have not changed, roughly two-thirds in Mexico say their country’s relationship with the U.S. has worsened. Their views are remarkably similar to those of America’s northern neighbor.

2. Faith in the U.S. president remains low

Confidence in the American president to do the right thing regarding world affairs is largely unchanged this year – with a few notable exceptions – from 2017. A median of 27% in 25 nations surveyed say they trust in President Donald Trump’s handling of international issues, while 70% do not have confidence in him. In only four countries – the Philippines, Israel, Nigeria and Kenya – does more than half the public voice trust in the U.S. president. Such confidence has gone up significantly in only three nations – South Korea (up 27 percentage points), Israel (up 13 points) and Poland (up 12 points). It is down significantly in Russia, by 34 percentage points.

Regionally, a median 18% of Europeans surveyed are positively disposed toward Trump, but 82% say they lack confidence in the current U.S. leader. And for many this is a fairly intense sentiment: 69% of French, Germans and Spanish; 56% of Swedes; and roughly half of Dutch and Greeks say they have no confidence at all in Trump.

Trump fares slightly better in the Asia-Pacific region, where a median of 32% see him favorably and 54% lack confidence. Opinions differ widely in the region: 78% of Filipinos give Trump a thumbs-up, but 66% of Japanese and Australians are not confident in him. In the three Latin American nations polled, overwhelming majorities say they have no confidence in Trump, including 78% of Mexicans who say they have no confidence at all. Among the limited number of African countries surveyed, majorities in Kenya and Nigeria express confidence in the U.S. president.

Chart showing that Trump support is strongest among those on the right.

In 11 of 25 nations, even where Trump’s support is quite low, men more than women trust his handling of world affairs. The gender gap is largest in Australia (14 points), the UK (13 points) and Japan (12 points).

In some countries, religion and ethnicity also play a role in views of the U.S. president. In Israel, 82% of Jews but only 19% of Arabs have confidence in Trump’s handling of international relations. In Nigeria, two-thirds of Christians and half of Muslims express confidence in him.

Ideology is a strong indicator of support around the world for President Trump. Adults in survey countries who place themselves on the right of the political spectrum are often significantly more likely than those on the left to express confidence in the U.S. president. In Israel, for example, support for Trump is much stronger among those on the right (by 49 points). There is a similar 28-point ideological gap in backing for Trump in Australia and a 21-point divide in Canada and Sweden. Notably, even in those nations where opinions divide along ideological lines, Trump often enjoys the support of fewer than half of those who self-identify with the political right.

Globally, trust in Trump trails that of Merkel, Macron

Compared with some other prominent global leaders, President Trump fares relatively poorly in the eyes of much of the public.

Roughly half of those surveyed have confidence in Angela Merkel, the chancellor of Germany, and around a third voice no confidence. Her backing is strongest in the Netherlands (85%), Sweden (82%) and France (78%), all nations where her support is stronger than it is in her native Germany. Notably, while 68% of Germans express faith in Merkel, that backing is down 13 percentage points since 2017. The erosion of her German support has come entirely among those who say they have “a lot of confidence” in her. Her weakest backing in Europe is in Greece (15%), Hungary (31%) and Poland (37%). She has strong support in much of the Asia-Pacific, except in Indonesia, where 32% are confident in her. Merkel is a conservative, yet it is Germans who self-identify as ideologically on the left (74%) who have greater confidence in her than those on the right (59%). Similarly, Poles on the left (75%) are much more likely than Poles on the right (26%) to voice trust in the German chancellor. The same pattern is found in Hungary, the UK and Israel.

A median of slightly fewer than half (46%) of the adults surveyed express trust in French President Emmanuel Macron’s conduct of foreign policy. Roughly a third (34%) lack confidence. More than seven-in-ten Germans, Dutch and Swedes express trust in Macron to do the right thing in world affairs, as do nearly two-thirds of French adults (64%). But it is French on the right (72%) and those who are avowed centrists (71%) who are bigger fans of the French president than are those on the left (49%). Notably, Germans (30%) are twice as likely as French (15%) to say they have a lot of confidence in the French leader. Fewer than half of those surveyed in Africa and about one-in-five in Latin America trust Macron’s handling of international issues, but the share of adults who express no opinion is relatively high in those countries, possibly reflecting a lack of name recognition.

A median of 34% across the countries surveyed voice confidence in Chinese President Xi Jinping, while 56% lack confidence in him. His strongest backers are in the Philippines (58%), Kenya, Nigeria and Tunisia (all 53%), and Russia (50%). And his support is up 22 points in Tunisia and 12 points in Canada. Confidence in Xi is particularly low in Latin America, where many have no opinion of the Chinese leader, and in parts of Europe. Just 9% of Poles and 11% of Greeks trust Xi. Confidence in Xi in the three African nations surveyed is higher than in any European country polled. Notably, in Australia and Poland it is young people – those ages 18 to 29 – who are more supportive of Xi than their elders – those 50 years of age and older.

Chart showing that Trump’s international ratings trail those of some other world leaders.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has the confidence of a median of 30% in the survey, with 62% expressing no confidence in his handling of world affairs. Around eight-in-ten Russians (81%) trust him in this arena. Roughly six-in-ten in the Philippines (61%) and half in Tunisia (53%) are supportive. In Europe, his strongest backing is in Greece (45%) and Germany (35%). His weakest support is in Poland (7%). A median of 48% in Europe say they have no confidence at all in Putin. Far fewer than half of those surveyed in Africa, Latin America and in most of the Asia-Pacific nations trust Putin in dealing with international relations, although many Africans and Latin Americans express no opinion.

3. China’s power seen as rising more than other major nations

There is a widespread sense in the countries surveyed that China plays a more important role in the world today than it did 10 years ago. In all but two nations, half or more say that China’s power has increased. Among the seven countries asked about in the survey, Russia stands out as the only other power that is widely seen as rising in importance.

While far fewer say German influence has grown, a median of 35% nonetheless say that Berlin is playing a more role important today than it was 10 years ago. Germany’s rising power is most keenly felt in Europe.

People tend to evaluate the United States’ role in terms comparable to that of other countries, such as the UK, France and India, all of which are widely seen as retaining about the same importance in global affairs today as 10 years ago. Opinions do differ by region. In most of the Latin American and sub-Saharan African countries surveyed, pluralities say the U.S. is more influential than it was 10 years ago. By contrast, most Europeans see little change in Washington’s importance.

Chart showing that nearly all publics agree that China plays a more important role today than in the past and have mixed views on trajectory of other major powers.

Widespread agreement that China is on the rise

In nearly all of the surveyed countries, a majority say China’s role in the world has increased over the past decade. A median of 70% say China plays a more important role in the world today than it did 10 years ago. South Koreans are most united in their evaluations of China’s power: Fully 92% say China is playing a more important role. Notably, the sense that China plays a more important role may not necessarily be seen as good in most countries; for example, only 38% of South Koreans have a favorable view of China.

Chart showing that most see China playing a more important role now than in the past.

Chart showing that more say Russia’s global role has grown than shrunk in past decade.

Many see Russia’s power increasing

Among 25 countries surveyed, the prevailing view (median of 42%) is that Russia’s role in the world has grown compared with 10 years ago. Yet opinion on this count varies widely.

Greeks are especially likely to say Russia’s influence has grown (65%). This view is also common in the two Middle Eastern countries surveyed – in both Israel and Tunisia, around six-in-ten or more say that Russia’s power has increased over the past decade. In the U.S., too, more than half (52%) say Russia is more important today.

Across Europe, a median of 46% see Moscow playing a larger role now than it did 10 years ago. In every country polled in the region, more people say that Russia’s influence has increased over the past decade than say the same of the U.S.

But nowhere is the sense of Russia’s importance more palpable than in Russia itself, where 72% say the country’s influence has grown – and this widespread sense of Russia’s growing role has increased since last year, when 59% said the same.

Notably, even among countries that don’t perceive Russia’s influence to have grown, few see it as a nation that is decreasing in importance. Fewer than a third of people in any country surveyed say Russia’s power has decreased over the past 10 years.

Chart showing that most say the U.S.' role has either grown or remained constant over the past decade.

U.S. international role seen as robust by many

When asked about the international role played by the U.S., people in the countries polled most often say the U.S. has grown in power and influence (31%) or remained about the same (35%), compared with 10 years ago.

In 2017, favorable views of the U.S. fell dramatically in many countries. Yet, even amid these changes, views of the U.S. role in the world have remained largely stable – and, in the case of some countries, even improved – since the question was last posed in 2016. In Australia, for example, favorable views of the U.S. fell from 60% in 2016 to 54% in 2018. Nonetheless, Australians today are somewhat more likely to see the U.S. playing a major global role than they were in 2016.

Perceptions of America’s current role in the world differ by region, however. Across most of Europe, pluralities say the U.S. is as important as it was 10 years ago. In contrast, in many of the Latin American and sub-Saharan African countries surveyed, pluralities say the United States’ role is more important.

Chart showing that in several countries, the more-educated say the U.S. is playing a less important global role now than in recent past.

The notable exception is Japan, the only country in which a majority of people think the U.S. is playing a less important role than it did 10 years ago. Only 16% of Japanese think Washington is playing a more important role than it did in the past, and 28% say its influence is largely the same as it was 10 years ago.

In several countries – and particularly in Europe – people with higher levels of education are more likely to say the U.S. is playing a less important role than it did 10 years ago.2 In Germany, for example, only around a third of people with a secondary education or below see the U.S. in decline, while nearly half of those with a postsecondary education or more say the U.S. is losing influence.

Chart showing that India’s global role is seen as relatively similar today to 10 years ago.

Few see India playing a larger global role

While often compared with China as an emerging superpower, India, unlike its regional neighbor, is not widely perceived as a rising force on the world stage. People are more likely to say India is exerting the same amount of power globally as it did 10 years ago (median of 34%) than to say that it is more important (27%).

Among its regional neighbors, India’s growing importance is most strongly felt by Japanese and South Koreans (48%, respectively). Certain Western Europeans also say India’s role in the world has grown, including 49% of French, 47% of Swedes and 46% of Brits. While somewhat fewer Americans say India has gained power over the past 10 years (40%), only 17% say India has lost power, and 33% say its influence remains roughly the same as in the past.

3

Chart showing that those with more education are likely to say India’s stature has increased.

Notably, few people around the globe see India as a declining power (median of 22%). Rather, more say that its influence remains roughly the same as a decade ago (34%). The only country where more than a third say that India’s global role has decreased in recent years is South Africa (37%) – a country home to a large Indian diaspora and which has long historical ties with New Delhi.

Chart showing that Germany’s role is seen by most as stable or rising.

 

Particularly in Europe, Germany is up while the UK is down

Among the three European powers asked about – Germany, France and the UK – only Germany is seen by more people around the globe as a rising power rather than a status quo or declining power. A median of 35% say Germany is playing a more important role in world affairs compared with a decade ago. Just 22% think France plays more important role, while 21% say this about the UK. Among all 26 countries surveyed, France and the UK tend to be seen as status quo powers, rather than losing influence and importance.

Germany’s increased influence is felt most in other European countries. Among the nine European countries surveyed, a median of 46% say Germany’s power has grown over the past 10 years. The southern European countries of Greece (81%), Spain (56%) and Italy (55%) particularly stand out for the degree to which they believe Germany’s influence has grown. This may reflect the relative economic turmoil faced by these three European Union member nations and the prominent role Germany played in negotiating bailouts and austerity measures.

Chart showing that the prevailing view is that British global status is stagnant or in decline.

Germans, too, are more likely to see their country as growing in influence (51%) than as staying the same or declining. Fewer say this now than in 2016 (62%). Nevertheless, Germans are more likely to name their own country as a rising power than any other nation except China.

About half of Germans (52%) believe the UK is in decline. And 39% in the UK agree that their country has lost influence over the past decade – this is more than say their country’s role has stayed about the same (36%) or grown (23%). This downbeat sentiment is echoed by most other Europeans, including 53% of Swedes, 51% of French people and 50% of the Dutch who think the UK’s role on the world stage is fading.

In most of these European countries, too, people with favorable views of the right-wing populist parties are less likely to see the UK declining than those who have unfavorable views of these groups. In the UK, for example, 25% of those who see UKIP in a positive light think the UK has decreased in importance, compared with 45% of those who have unfavorable opinions of UKIP. More-educated Europeans are also more likely to say that the UK’s importance has waned over the past decade.

Chart showing that populist party supporters are less likely to see the UK playing a diminished role on the global stage.
Chart showing that the dominant view is that France’s global role is largely unchanged over the past 10 years.

Only in the three sub-Saharan African countries surveyed – Nigeria (47%), Kenya (46%) and South Africa (43%) – do pluralities see the UK as a growing power.

Compared with views towards Britain, more people see France as a status quo power than a declining or growing power. Across 25 nations polled, a median of 40% say France’s influence is largely unchanged compared with a decade ago, while 27% say it has decreased and 22% that it has increased. Among Europeans, pluralities tend to say French power is similar to 10 years ago. This includes around half or more in neighboring countries like Spain (53%) and the Netherlands (47%), as well as pluralities in Sweden (46%), Germany (44%), Italy (41%) and the UK (40%).

Even among French respondents, more say France’s influence is largely unchanged (43%) than growing (26%) or shrinking (30%). This represents a modest increase in their estimations of France’s power since 2016, when more said France’s role was less important (46%) than about as important (30%).

4. Most prefer that U.S., not China, be the world’s leading power

More countries currently see the United States as the world’s leading economic power than China. This is particularly true in Latin America and the Asia-Pacific region. Few name Japan or the European Union as the world’s leading economic power today.

But, while perceptions of current economic leadership are somewhat divided between the U.S. and China, when it comes to preferred global leadership, there is no competition. Majorities or pluralities in nearly every country surveyed say the future would be better if the U.S. were the world’s leading power than if China were.

U.S. seen as world’s leading economic power

The publics surveyed tend to believe the U.S. is the world’s leading economic power, albeit by a somewhat slender margin. Across 25 countries, a median of 39% name the U.S. as the top global economy, while 34% say it is China. Fewer say this about the EU or Japan.

Chart showing that the U.S. is seen by more publics as the world’s leading economic power.

 

America is seen as the leading economy in all three Latin American countries surveyed – Brazil, Mexico and Argentina. In the Asia-Pacific region, only Australians are more likely (52% vs. 35%) to name China as the world’s leading economic power. Australians have, in fact, consistently named China over the U.S. since the question was first posed in 2008.

In sub-Saharan Africa, publics in Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa are divided in their views: No more than four-in-ten name either the U.S. or China as the world’s top economy.

Line charts showing that fewer Germans see the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power.

European opinion, too, is mixed. In the two Eastern European countries surveyed – Hungary and Poland – the U.S. is the clear favorite. In the Southern European countries of Italy and Greece, too, more name the U.S. than China. But in France and the UK there is no clear consensus; nearly as many point to the American as to the Chinese economy. Meanwhile, in the Netherlands and Germany, opinion leans in favor of China. This is especially true in Germany, where about half (53%) view China as the world’s economic leader. Germans name the EU as often as the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power (21% vs. 19%).

Compared with a year ago, slightly more in the UK, France and Poland name the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power. By contrast, Germans are now less likely to see the U.S. as the globe’s dominant economy.

Chart showing that most prefer the U.S. as the world leader.

Most prefer U.S. as world’s leading power

Regardless of which country people think is the current leading economic power, one thing is consistent: Most publics surveyed prefer the American leadership. When thinking about the future, a 25-country median of 63% say they prefer a world in which the U.S. is the leading power, while just 19% would favor one in which China leads.

In the Asia-Pacific region, few say they prefer China. Among China’s immediate neighbors, preference for the U.S. is particularly high: 81% of Japanese, 77% of Filipinos and 73% of South Koreans all favor a future where Washington, not Beijing, leads. In Australia – where 52% say China is the current leading economic power – nearly three-quarters still say they prefer a future where the U.S. is the world’s dominant power.

Argentina, Russia and Tunisia stand out as the only three countries where just one-third or fewer prefer U.S. leadership.

In many countries, preference for a U.S.-led world order is linked to ideology. Those on the ideological right are more likely than those on the ideological left to say that it’s better for the world if the U.S. is the dominant power. This ideological divide is most pronounced in Israel, where 74% of Israelis who self-identify as being on the right say they prefer Washington’s leadership, compared with 45% of those on the left.

Chart showing that the ideological right places more importance on global U.S. leadership.

5. International publics divided on China

Across the 25 countries surveyed, a median of 45% have a favorable view of China while 43% hold an unfavorable view. Majorities or pluralities in 12 countries give China positive marks.

Positive views of China are most prevalent in Africa, the Middle East and parts of Asia. More than six-in-ten in Tunisia, Kenya and Nigeria view China favorably, as do roughly half or more in South Africa and Israel.

More than half in Russia, Indonesia and the Philippines also offer positive opinions of China. Economic ties spurred by the Belt and Road Initiative, including the fact that these three nations are among the top receivers of Chinese construction contracts, may partly explain the sanguine attitudes toward Beijing.

In Latin America, at least four-in-ten hold positive views of China in Brazil, Mexico and Argentina. However, sizable minorities in each country say they regard China in a negative light or offer no opinion.

Views about China differ substantially across the Asian nations surveyed. Japanese register the most negative views of China (78% unfavorable), followed by South Koreans (60%). Australians are split almost evenly (48% favorable vs. 47% unfavorable), though positive views have dropped by 16 percentage points since last year amid concerns of growing Chinese influence in Australian businesses and universities.

In Europe, a median of 42% across 10 countries express a positive opinion of China, while slightly more (48%) are negative toward Beijing. Only in the UK does a plurality give China a favorable review. The Netherlands, Hungary, Greece, Spain and Poland are generally split on their opinions of China. Half or more in Italy, Germany, France and Sweden say they have an unfavorable view of the Asian giant.

The United States and Canada have mixed feelings when discussing China. Canadians display an almost even divide, with 44% viewing China favorably and 45% holding an unfavorable view. In the U.S., 38% of Americans have a favorable opinion of China, a slight decrease from 44% in 2017, while nearly half express unfavorable attitudes.

In a few countries, younger citizens have significantly more positive views of China than their older compatriots. The largest such difference occurs in the UK, where 61% of younger Britons hold a favorable view of China compared with 43% of those ages 50 and older. Gaps of at least 10 percentage points also exist in the U.S. (15 points), Australia (12 points) and the Netherlands (11 points).

China largely seen as not respecting personal freedoms

Chart showing that most think China does not respect personal freedoms.

A median of 66% across 25 countries think the Chinese government does not respect the personal freedoms of its people. This survey took place amid initial reports that up to 1 million Uighurs, a Muslim ethnic minority in Western China, have been sent to government-run re-education camps, but before United Nations human rights experts released a lengthy report criticizing the Chinese government’s handling of the situation. Beijing has disputed these allegations.

Publics in Europe, Canada, the U.S. and parts of Asia overwhelmingly believe China does not respect personal freedoms. Majorities in every European country say China violates its citizens’ civil liberties, with more than eight-in-ten holding this opinion in Sweden, France, the Netherlands, Germany and Spain. Similarly negative sentiment can be found in the U.S. and Canada.

Israel also views China as a nation that does not uphold personal freedoms, with nearly two-thirds expressing this view. Tunisia holds the opposite opinion, with nearly seven-in-ten giving China high marks on civil rights.

In Asia, sentiment is somewhat mixed. Strong feelings that China does not protect the rights of its citizens dominate in Japan, Australia and South Korea. However, more than half in the Philippines and Indonesia hold the opposite view, saying China does respect citizens’ rights.

The three sub-Saharan African nations surveyed give China relatively high marks in defending civil liberties, with half or more voicing this opinion. Brazil, Argentina and Mexico take the opposite view, with at least half in each nation saying China impinges upon the rights of its citizens.

Among Russians, about half say personal freedoms are respected in China, 26% say they are not and 22% offer no opinion.

The view that China does not respect the personal freedoms of its citizens is strongly correlated with overall negative views of China. Countries where more people say China ignores the rights of its people tend to have more unfavorable views of China, while publics less critical of China’s human rights record also show lower unfavorable opinions of China overall. Japan is the outlier, showing higher levels of general dissatisfaction with China that may relate to historical and political strains in bilateral relations.

Chart showing that negative views of China are tied to perceptions of Beijing’s record on human rights.

Acknowledgments

This report is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of the following individuals.

Richard Wike, Director, Global Attitudes Research Bruce Stokes, Director, Global Economic Attitudes Jacob Poushter, Senior Researcher Laura Silver, Senior Researcher Janell Fetterolf, Research Associate Kat Devlin, Research Associate 

Danielle Alberti, Web Developer James Bell, Vice President, Global Strategy Alexandra Castillo, Research Associate Stefan Cornibert, Communications Manager     Claudia Deane, Vice President, Research Moira Fagan, Research Assistant Courtney Johnson, Research Associate Christine Huang, Research Assistant Michael Keegan, Information Graphics Designer David Kent, Copy Editor Clark Letterman, Senior Researcher Martha McRoy, Research Methodologist Patrick Moynihan, Associate Director, International Research Methods Audrey Powers, Senior Operations Associate Ariana Rodriguez-Gitler, Digital Producer Christine Tamir, Research Assistant Kyle Taylor, Research Analyst

Methodology

About the Pew Research Center’s Spring 2018 Global Attitudes Survey

Results for the survey are based on telephone and face-to-face interviews conducted under the direction of D3 Systems, Inc., Kantar Public UK, Kantar Public Korea and Langer Research Associates. The results are based on national samples, unless otherwise noted. More details about our international survey methodology and country-specific sample designs are available here.

Detailed information on survey methods for this report

General information on international survey research

Appendix A: Detailed Tables

Table showing confidence in U.S. presidents from 2001 to 2018.