Revelations about the scope of American electronic surveillance efforts have generated headlines around the world over the past year. And a new Pew Research Center survey finds widespread global opposition to U.S. eavesdropping and a decline in the view that the U.S. respects the personal freedoms of its people. But in most countries there is little evidence this opposition has severely harmed America’s overall image.

In nearly all countries polled, majorities oppose monitoring by the U.S. government of emails and phone calls of foreign leaders or their citizens. In contrast, Americans tilt toward the view that eavesdropping on foreign leaders is an acceptable practice, and they are divided over using this technique on average people in other countries. However, the majority of Americans and others around the world agree that it is acceptable to spy on suspected terrorists, and that it is unacceptable to spy on American citizens.

Another high-profile aspect of America’s recent national security strategy is also widely unpopular: drones. In 39 of 44 countries surveyed, majorities or pluralities oppose U.S. drone strikes targeting extremists in countries such as Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. Moreover, opposition to drone attacks has increased in many nations since last year. Israel, Kenya and the U.S. are the only nations polled where at least half of the public supports drone strikes.

Despite these misgivings about signature American policies, across 43 nations, a median of 65% express a positive opinion about the U.S. And these overall ratings for the U.S. are little changed from 2013.

Moreover, President Obama is still largely popular internationally – across 44 nations, a median of 56% say they have confidence in him to do the right thing in world affairs. And, while Obama no longer has the same high levels of popularity that he enjoyed immediately after his election in 2008, there has been very little change in his appeal over the past year.

The biggest declines in his ratings since last year are found in two nations where the U.S. has listened to the private phone conversations of national leaders: Germany (from 88% confident in 2013 to 71% confident now) and Brazil (69% in 2013, 52% now).

Obama’s favorability is also down considerably in Russia, reflecting recent tensions over the crisis in Ukraine. Only 15% of Russians currently express confidence in the American president, down from an already low 29% in 2013. U.S. favorability has also declined dramatically – just 23% of Russians say they have a favorable opinion of the U.S., less than half of the 51% registered in last year’s survey.

In spite of the unpopularity of U.S. spying and its use of drones, America also remains more popular globally than China, its principal rival in world affairs.

In spite of the unpopularity of U.S. spying and its use of drones, America also remains more popular globally than China, its principal rival in world affairs. A median of 49% of the publics surveyed hold a positive view of China. And the U.S. is still considered the world’s top economic power, although this is less true today than it was before the Great Recession. However, looking to the future, a median of 50% of those surveyed in both 2013 and 2014, up from 41% last year, see China eventually supplanting America as the dominant world superpower.

But China’s rising power also generates its own anxieties, especially in its immediate neighborhood. In particular, there are strong concerns in Asia that territorial disputes between China and its neighbors will lead to military conflict. More than seven-in-ten in the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam, South Korea and India say this is a concern. And two-thirds of Americans agree, as do 62% in China itself.

These are among the major findings of a new survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted in 44 countries among 48,643 respondents from March 17 to June 5, 2014. The survey also finds that in most nations, young people are more favorable than their elders toward both the U.S. and China.

The Snowden Effect

Disclosures by former National Security Agency (NSA) contractor Edward Snowden about NSA spying revealed the U.S. government’s vast capacity to intercept communications around the world.

The Snowden revelations appear to have damaged one major element of America’s global image: its reputation for protecting individual liberties. In 22 of 36 countries surveyed in both 2013 and 2014, people are significantly less likely to believe the U.S. government respects the personal freedoms of its citizens. In six nations, the decline was 20 percentage points or more.

Still, the U.S. has a relatively strong reputation for respecting personal freedoms compared with the other major nations tested on the survey. A median of 58% believe the American government respects individual liberties, while 56% say this about France, 36% about China, and only 28% say it about the Russian government.¹

And while the Snowden revelations have harmed aspects of America’s image, overall ratings for the U.S. remain mostly positive. Globally, the U.S. has a higher favorability rating than China. This is especially true in Europe – across the seven European Union nations surveyed, a median of 66% express a favorable opinion of the U.S., while just 39% feel this way about China. The U.S. is also considerably more popular in Latin America, while both countries receive mostly high marks in Asia and Africa.

The Middle East is the clear exception. China’s favorability in the region is not especially high, but is higher than that for the U.S. Anti-Americanism has been common in many Middle Eastern nations throughout the Obama presidency, as was the case during the George W. Bush era. And again this year some of the lowest ratings for the U.S. are found in the region. Only 19% of Turks and 12% of Jordanians offer a favorable opinion of the U.S., and at 10% Egypt gives the U.S. its lowest rating in the survey.

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Asia in Focus

One of the challenges for China’s image is the anxiety its neighbors feel about Beijing’s territorial ambitions. Territorial disputes ring much of China’s periphery, and rival claims by China and neighboring countries have inflamed tensions throughout Asia in recent years. These disputes include a long-running controversy with Tokyo over small uninhabited islands in the East China Sea known as the Diaoyu Islands in China and as the Senkaku Islands in Japan, as well as disputes in the South China Sea with Vietnam and the Philippines. In addition, Beijing claims that the northeastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh actually belongs to China.

A 2013 Pew Research poll found that many in Asia considered territorial rows with China a major problem for their country, and this year in all 11 Asian nations polled, roughly half or more say they are concerned that territorial disputes between China and its neighbors will lead to a military conflict. This includes a remarkably high 93% of Filipinos, 85% of Japanese, 84% of Vietnamese, and 83% of South Koreans.

When Asians are asked about their top allies and threats, China is listed as the greatest threat in three countries that have major territorial grievances with China: Japan, the Philippines and Vietnam. In contrast, Pakistanis, Chinese and Malaysians name the U.S. as the biggest threat to their country.

Outside of China, Malaysia and Pakistan, every Asian nation surveyed considers the U.S. its top ally (Indonesians actually see the U.S. as their main ally and their main threat). For their part, Americans look outside of Asia for their number one ally (the UK) and greatest threat (Russia).

Balance of Power

While China’s increasing power generates concerns among some in Asia and around the globe, its economic growth also presents opportunities for many. Across the nations surveyed, a median of 53% say that China’s growing economy is a good thing for their own country; just 27% describe this as a bad thing.

China’s economic rise, coupled with the challenges that have plagued the U.S. economy since the onset of the Great Recession, have led to shifting views about the economic balance of power in the world. Looking at 20 countries surveyed in spring 2008 – before the depths of the financial crisis – and again this year, the median percentage naming the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power has dropped from 49% six years ago to 40% today. During the same period, the percentage naming China has risen from 19% to 31%.

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This shift in perceptions has been especially strong among some of America’s top allies in Europe. In 2008, across France, Germany, Poland, Spain and the UK, a median of 44% considered the U.S. the world’s top economy, while just 29% said it was China. By 2012, the percentage naming the U.S. had declined to 28%, while the share saying China had nearly doubled to 57%. Today, China is still seen as the clear economic leader in these nations, although over the past two years the numbers for the U.S. have increased slightly, while the percentage naming China as the leading economic power has declined somewhat.

More broadly, many around the world believe that at some point China will surpass the U.S. as the world’s leading superpower. In 2008, global public opinion in these 20 nations was divided on this question, with 41% saying China will eventually replace or has already replaced the U.S. as the dominant superpower, and 39% saying China will never supplant the U.S. Today, 50% say China has replaced or will replace the U.S., while just 32% believe this will never happen.

A country’s brand is a valued commodity, especially when that nation is the world’s largest economic and strategic power. And, in 2014, America’s image remains strong in much of the world. Despite anger with Washington over U.S. spying on both foreign leaders and foreign nationals, widespread opposition to U.S. drone strikes, disagreements about what to do in the Middle East and other recurring tensions, most surveyed publics around the world still hold a favorable view of the United States. Young people, in particular, in many nations have an especially positive opinion of America. Overall, attitudes toward the U.S. are largely unchanged from 2013.

A global median of 65% voice an affirmative opinion about America. This includes a median of 74% in Africa, 66% in Western Europe, 66% in Asia, 65% in Latin America, but just 30% in the Middle East.

For nearly a decade and a half the U.S. global image has been on a roller coaster ride. At the beginning of the century America was seen favorably by majorities in most of the countries where comparable public opinion data are available. Over the next few years the bottom fell out of U.S. approval numbers, amid widespread opposition to the war in Iraq and other aspects of U.S. foreign policy. America’s image began to rally in some nations and to soar by the end of the decade following the election of Barack Obama, at least in Europe and parts of Asia and Latin America. After slipping a bit again in the first years of this decade, brand U.S. has stabilized and even recovered in a few nations in 2014.

Currently, majorities in 30 of 43 nations express a favorable opinion of the United States. This includes majorities in five of seven European nations, where 78% of Italians, 75% of the French and 73% of Poles voice positive views of Uncle Sam.

There is no evidence of a rise of anti-Americanism in most of Western Europe, home to great animosity toward Washington in the middle of the last decade. Only in Germany, where U.S. favorability is down 13 points since 2009, has the positive image of the United States slipped significantly. And, despite this slippage, roughly half of Germans (51%) still see America in a positive light.

The biggest decline in ratings for the U.S. is in Russia, where 71% now hold an unfavorable opinion. About half (51%) the Russian public expressed a positive opinion of Uncle Sam in 2013. In 2014, only 23% hold that view, a drop of 28 percentage points. Russians’ sentiments have been up and down in the last few years (57% positive as recently as 2010). The recent souring of the Russian mood about the United States has come at a time of growing Moscow-Washington tension over Crimea, Ukraine and U.S. economic sanctions against some Russians.

A significant number of Greeks also harbor anti-American sentiment. More than six-in-ten Greeks express a negative view (63%, vs. 34% favorable). Greeks have been quite negative the past three years at a time of growing Greek frustration over their economic situation.

In Asia, majorities in eight of 11 nations express a positive opinion of the United States. This includes 92% of Filipinos, 82% of South Koreans and 76% of Bangladeshis and Vietnamese. Even half the Chinese give Uncle Sam a thumbs up. Only Pakistanis are strongly anti-American, with just 14% expressing a favorable assessment of the U.S., while 59% are unfavorable. The median positive approval of the United States in Pakistan in 13 surveys since 2002 has been a mere 15%.

In eight of nine Latin American countries, majorities see the U.S. in a favorable light. Salvadorans (80%) are particularly positive in their assessment, as are Chileans (72%) and Nicaraguans (71%). Notably, despite all the tensions between Washington and Caracas, 62% of Venezuelans have a favorable opinion of the U.S. But less than four-in-ten Argentines (36%) are positively disposed toward Washington. In the seven surveys the Pew Research Center has conducted in Argentina since 2002, never more than about four-in-ten Argentines have expressed favorable sentiment toward their big neighbor to the north.

Africans express particularly positive views about America. Strong majorities in all seven nations surveyed back the United States, including roughly three-quarters or more of Kenyans (80%), Ghanaians (77%), Tanzanians (75%) and Senegalese (74%).

The Middle East is the sole region where anti-Americanism is both deep and widespread. Eighty-five percent of Egyptians and Jordanians and 73% of Turks voice a negative opinion of the United States. Only 10% of Egyptians, 12% of Jordanians and 19% of Turks have a favorable view. The Egyptian rating is the lowest among the 43 nations in the study. The Tunisians are divided: 42% positive, 47% negative. Israelis are the only public in the region where a majority (84%) holds a favorable opinion of America. And they are the second biggest U.S. fans among the nations surveyed, trailing only the Filipinos.

While hardly embracing America, Palestinians’ views of the United States improved by 14 percentage points, from 16% favorable in 2013 to 30% positive in 2014, possibly the consequence of Washington’s efforts to restart the Middle East peace process, even though the attempt ultimately failed.

The global public’s view of the United States is largely unchanged from 2013. Among the thirty-five countries surveyed in both 2013 and 2014, the median favorable assessment in 2014 is 62%, unchanged from 2013.

Young See U.S. Positively

Young people are more likely than their elders to have a favorable view of the United States in many parts of the world. In 24 of 43 nations, there is a generation gap in sentiment toward America with those ages 18 to 29 far more supportive of Uncle Sam than people 50 years of age and older.

This age disparity is particularly evident in parts of Asia, where young Vietnamese (89%) look more favorably on the U.S. than do older Vietnamese (64%), a 25 percentage point difference that is possibly a legacy of the Vietnam War, which the older generation would have experienced personally.

There is a similar generation gap about the United States in Thailand (+22 points) and China (+21 points).

Ethnic and Religious Divides about the United States

In a number of nations where the population is divided among major ethnic and religious groups, views of the United States can divide along those fault lines.

In Israel, 91% of Jews have a favorable opinion of America. Just 46% of Israeli Arabs voice a positive view.

In Lebanon, Israel’s neighbor to the north, more than half of Sunni Muslims (55%) and Christians (53%) say they are positively disposed toward the United States. But only 10% of Shia Muslims agree.

Meanwhile in Malaysia, Buddhists (74%) are more supportive of the U.S. than are Muslims (40%).

And in Nigeria, 80% of Christians express a favorable opinion of America, compared with 59% of Muslims.

Obama Still Popular

The election of Barack Obama as the 44^th U.S. president in 2008 was widely approved around the world, leading to high expectations for the new American leader. His election also coincided with a dramatic jump in favorability of the United States, promising an end to the anti-Americanism that had plagued much of Washington’s relations with the rest of the world for several years.

Today, Obama remains largely popular in much of the world, except the Middle East. Half or more of the public in 28 of 44 countries surveyed has confidence in him to do the right thing in world affairs. And his median positive rating is 56%.

In most nations the public’s assessment of Obama’s performance is largely unchanged since 2013. His image has dropped by double-digits in five nations – Brazil, Germany, Argentina, Russia and Japan. But it has risen appreciably in Israel and China.

Western Europeans’ views of Obama remain fairly positive. More than eight-in-ten French (83%) and seven-in-ten Italians (75%), British (74%) and Germans (71%) have confidence in the U.S. president doing the right thing.

Revelations that Washington systematically reads both Americans’ and some foreigners’ emails and listens in on their telephone conversations appears to have significantly damaged Obama’s approval in only one European Union (EU) country: Germany. Germans’ views of Obama fell 17 percentage points since last year. Nonetheless, German confidence in the U.S. president remains relatively high.

Russian (15%) faith in Obama, already quite low in 2013, is down 14 points, a likely casualty of the Ukraine confrontation. And Obama’s handling of that crisis has not won the U.S. president much support in Ukraine, where only 44% give him a positive grade.

Half or more of the publics in nine of 11 Asian nations surveyed have confidence in Obama to do the right thing in world affairs. Such pro-Obama sentiment is particularly strong in the Philippines (89%) and South Korea (84%). About half the Chinese (51%) now approve of his conduct internationally, up 20 points in the past year. Just 7% of Pakistanis think highly of Obama, making them his most severe critic. Notably, confidence in Obama’s leadership, while still high in Japan (60%), is down 10 points since 2013.

In Africa, half or more of the public in all seven nations surveyed give Obama a positive rating. He is particularly appreciated in Kenya (78%) and Tanzania (74%).

Latin Americans take a more jaundiced view of the U.S. president. In just four of the nine countries in the survey do half or more approve of his conduct of foreign affairs. And his highest rating is a relatively modest 58% in El Salvador. Meanwhile, roughly a third rate Obama highly in Venezuela (33%) and Argentina (31%). Moreover, appreciation for the U.S. president’s international stewardship is down 17 points in Brazil and 13 points in Argentina in just the past year.

Obama’s lowest regional approval is in the Middle East. Only 13% of Palestinians, 17% of Jordanians and 19% of Egyptians have confidence in his leadership. At the same time, 71% of Israelis give Obama a thumbs up. And that approval has risen 10 points since 2013, possibly thanks to the Obama administration’s renewed efforts to find some settlement for the Israeli-Palestinian problem.

Whatever global publics think of the American president in 2014, there is widespread disappointment in his leadership in world affairs compared with views in 2009, his first year in office.

Since 2009 Obama’s ratings have declined in 19 of 21 countries for which comparable data exist. It is up significantly in only one. And the median assessment of his global stewardship is down from 62% in 2009 to 55% in 2014. This includes a drop of 30 percentage points in Argentina, a 25-point falloff in Japan, a 23-point decline in Egypt and 22-point slides in Germany and Russia. Only in Israel has the public’s view of Obama improved significantly. Israeli confidence in him is up 15 points, from 56% to 71%, since he became president.

U.S. Drone Strikes Increasingly Opposed

Since beginning its war on terrorism more than a decade ago, the U.S. government has launched several hundred missile strikes from pilotless aircraft called drones to target extremists in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia and elsewhere. The vast majority of these drone strikes have been carried out by the Obama administration. Such attacks are extremely unpopular.

In 37 of the 44 countries surveyed in 2014 by the Pew Research Center, half or more of the public disapproves of American drone strikes. This includes 26 where strong majorities of seven-in-ten or more are critical of this signature U.S. military action.

Israel (65%), Kenya (53%) and the U.S. (52%) are the only countries where at least half back the use of drones against suspected terrorists. Among those opposed are the publics of major NATO allies such as Spain (86%), Turkey (83%), France (72%), Germany (67%) and the United Kingdom (59%), all of which have experienced terrorist attacks on their own soil. Fully 82% in Japan, America’s principal Asian ally, are against the use of drones, as are 75% in South Korea, another major Washington regional security partner.

The use of pilotless aircraft against suspected terrorists is widely criticized throughout much of the Middle East. More than seven-in-ten in all six Muslim majority nations surveyed in the region disapprove of the policy. That includes 90% of Jordanians, 87% of Egyptians and 84% of Palestinians.

Two-thirds of Pakistanis are also against the use of drones, hardly surprising given that the preponderance of U.S. drone strikes have been aimed at targets in Pakistan. The opposition is relatively low, however, compared with that in other nations, possibly because 30% of Pakistanis declined to answer the question. In many countries where publics are already strongly opposed to drone use, there has been no significant change in attitudes since 2012 when the Pew Research first asked about this U.S. policy.

But there have been some noteworthy increases in public disapproval since 2013. Perhaps most important, Americans’ own disapproval of such missile strikes has grown 11 percentage points in the past year. Over that same period opposition has gone up by more than 15 points in Senegal, Uganda, France, and Germany.

The gender gap on this issue is particularly striking in Europe, Japan, South Korea and the United States, but not much elsewhere. Women are more likely than men to disapprove of the use of drones by a margin of 17 points in France, the UK and the U.S., and by 16 points in South Korea. Notably, nearly half (49%) of American women but only 32% of U.S. men oppose the use of drones. This gender gap is notably absent, however, in most countries.

There is also something of a generation gap on employing drones against extremists, but only in a few countries, notably the U.S. More than half (54%) of young Americans, those ages 18 to 29, disapprove of the use of drones, compared with just 32% of Americans 50 years of age and older.

There is also a partisan divide among Americans on drone use. By more than two-to-one (66% to 28%) Republicans approve of targeting extremists with missile strikes from pilotless aircraft. Roughly half (53%) of independents agree. Democrats are divided on the issue (47% approve and 47% disapprove).

Political ideology also plays a role in attitudes toward drone strikes in Europe. In Italy, opposition to such military action is far greater among people on the left (82%) than on the right (63%). This partisan split over drone use also exists in Spain (the left are 18 points more opposed than the right), in the UK (17 points), Germany (11 points) and Greece (11 points).

Spy on Terrorists, but Not Me or My Leaders

Recently the United States has monitored the communications of suspected terrorists, American citizens, the leaders of other countries and their people, according to revelations by Edward Snowden, a former National Security Agency contractor.

These disclosures have led to widespread criticism of American violations of national sovereignty and personal privacy, although publics around the world generally have no objection to Uncle Sam monitoring suspected terrorists.

Majorities in 31 countries surveyed voice the view that electronic oversight of alleged terrorists is acceptable. Israelis (90%), Italians (88%) and Kenyans (88%) are particularly supportive, as are roughly eight-in-ten Russians (81%) and Tunisians (80%). Notably, Germans, who are particularly incensed about American spying on Chancellor Angela Merkel and on ordinary German citizens, have few qualms about U.S. eavesdropping on alleged terrorists: 70% support such efforts.

Americans (73%) are similarly supportive of such Washington surveillance, with older members of the public, those ages 50 and older, more sympathetic (77%) than the young, those ages 18 to 29 (63%).

In not a single country surveyed does more than half the public oppose monitoring terrorists. However, 49% of Vietnamese and 46% of South Koreas find such activities unacceptable.

However, there is widespread, overwhelming opposition to U.S. surveillance of ordinary citizens in the respondent’s country. Majorities in 37 nations find such activities unacceptable. This includes 97% in Greece, 94% in Brazil and 91% in Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia.

Notably, many Filipinos and Nigerians see nothing wrong with Uncle Sam spying on them. About six-in-ten in the Philippines (61%) and roughly half the public in Nigeria (52%) find such actions acceptable.

Americans are divided on the issue of their government spying on citizens of other nations: 49% find it acceptable and 47% say it is unacceptable. But there is a generation gap on such surveillance. Roughly half (51%) of older Americans find it acceptable, while just 39% of younger Americans agree.

There is similar public opposition to U.S. spying on the respondent’s national leaders. Majorities in 34 countries find such action by Washington to be offensive. This sentiment is particularly strong in Germany (90%), where the American government listened in on Merkel’s cellphone conversations. But there are nearly equal objections in Egypt (89%), Jordan (89%), Lebanon (87%), Venezuela (87%) and Greece (87%).

In contrast, about half of Americans (52%) are fine with Washington eavesdropping on foreign leaders. And 64% of Filipinos and 54% Nigerians say it is okay for Americans to monitor the communications of the leaders of the Philippines and Nigeria. Moreover, Italians, Salvadorans and Ugandans are divided on the topic, with roughly equal proportions of the population finding such surveillance acceptable and unacceptable.

Publics around the world also generally oppose Washington’s surveillance of Americans. Majorities in 27 nations say it is wrong. But such opposition is less intense than their criticism of U.S. spying on non-Americans. And majorities in the Philippines (69%), Nigeria (61%) and Uganda (55%) actually back Uncle Sam’s electronic oversight of Americans.

Americans see this particular surveillance issue differently. While the U.S. public is divided on their government spying on foreigners, they oppose Washington monitoring Americans: 61% find such oversight unacceptable, and just 37% say it is acceptable.

The Snowden Effect

The image of the United States has been tarnished by Snowden’s revelations about National Security Agency monitoring of communications around the world, especially in Europe and Latin America.

Admiration for America’s respect for the personal freedoms of its own people has gone down significantly in 22 of 36 nations where there is comparable data for 2013 and 2014. NSA actions have particularly hurt the U.S. reputation in Brazil, where belief that Uncle Sam respects Americans’ freedoms is down 25 percentage points, and in Germany, where it is down 23 points. Washington listened in on the phone conversations of both the Brazilian and German leaders. Drops of 20 points or more are also found in El Salvador, Pakistan, Argentina, Spain and Russia.

And Americans themselves have lost some faith in their own government’s safeguards for civil liberties. The share of the U.S. public that says Washington respects personal freedoms has declined from 69% in 2013 to 63% in 2014.

Nevertheless, half or more of the public in 33 of 44 nations surveyed still think that Washington safeguards Americans’ freedoms. The U.S. image as a protector of personal liberties remains quite strong in a number of Asian nations: South Korea (91%), Philippines (87%), Japan (84%) and Vietnam (75%); and also in the Middle East: Lebanon (84%) and Israel (75%).

And in many societies, the younger generation is much more likely than their elders to see the U.S. as a defender of domestic liberties. This is particularly true in Uganda, where there is a 20-point generation gap on this measure, and Russia with a 19-point difference.

On balance, global views of China are positive, although ratings for the Asian power vary significantly across nations and regions. Similarly, China’s growing economic might is generally seen as a good thing in most of the countries surveyed. However, in some nations China’s increasing prosperity is considered a threat.

Meanwhile, Beijing’s human rights record remains a relative weak spot for China’s global image. In particular, Americans, Europeans and Japanese overwhelmingly believe the Chinese government does not respect the rights of its own people.

Across 43 nations, a median of 49% express a favorable opinion of China, while 32% offer an unfavorable rating. However, its overall image in the United States and Europe is mostly negative.

Only 35% of Americans have a positive view of China, while 55% have a negative one. Unfavorable ratings are more common among Republicans (65%) than among Democrats (53%) or independents (51%). China’s image in the U.S. has become more negative in recent years – as recently as 2011 half of Americans gave China a positive rating.

Roughly half or more in Italy, Germany, Poland, Spain and France give China an unfavorable rating. The United Kingdom is the only European Union nation polled in which opinions about China are on balance favorable.

Asian attitudes toward China differ considerably across the region. Two-thirds or more voice a positive opinion in the predominantly Muslim Asian nations surveyed – Pakistan, Bangladesh, Malaysia and Indonesia – as well as majority Buddhist Thailand. A 56% majority also holds a favorable view in South Korea, up from 46% in 2013.

In contrast, huge majorities give China a negative rating in Japan and Vietnam. And 58% of Filipinos have an unfavorable opinion, compared with 48% in last year’s poll. All three of the latter Asian nations are involved in territorial disputes with Beijing.

China receives mostly positive reviews in the sub-Saharan African nations polled, although South Africans are closely divided (45% favorable, 40% unfavorable). Latin American views of China are more positive than negative, although many in the region offer no opinion. And in both Brazil and Argentina, the percentage of people with a positive view has declined significantly in the last year (-21 and -14 percentage points, respectively).

Across the globe, young people tend to have more positive attitudes toward China than older respondents. In 23 nations, people ages 18 to 29 give China higher ratings than do those ages 50 and older. In the UK, Mexico, the U.S. and France, the gap between older and younger respondents is 20 percentage points.

China’s Growing Economic Might

As China’s economy has continued to grow over the past several years, it has developed extensive economic ties with nations around the world, generating both goodwill and anxieties about economic competition. Overall, the publics surveyed tend to say China’s progress is good for their own country as well. Across 43 nations, a median of 53% believe China’s growing economy is a good thing for their own economy. Just 27% say this is a bad thing.

However, as with other questions about China, opinions differ sharply across regions, and sometimes within regions. For instance, by a more than 2-to-1 ratio, the British say China’s growth is good for the UK economy, and roughly half in Greece and Germany hold the same view about their own economy. In contrast, three-in-four Italians believe China’s economic success hurts their economy, and more than half in Poland and France agree.

In China’s neighborhood, the prevailing view is that Chinese growth helps others in the region, with majorities in Thailand, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Pakistan, South Korea and Indonesia saying China’s economic expansion is good for their own country. Even in Japan, where overall ratings for its longtime rival are quite low, a 47% plurality believes China’s economic growth is beneficial, although this is actually down from the 57% registered in 2011. Meanwhile, majorities in the Philippines and Vietnam consider China’s economic success a bad thing, as do a 46% plurality of Indians.

Americans are somewhat divided over China’s economic impact. Roughly half (49%) say it is good, while 42% describe it as a bad thing. This is a shift from the last time the Pew Research Center asked this question in 2011. Then, only 37% felt China’s growing economy was having a positive effect on the U.S.; 53% said it was having a negative impact.

In six of the seven Middle Eastern nations surveyed (with the exception of Turkey), more than half believe China’s economy is helping their own country.

Similarly, many of the Latin American publics polled see Chinese growth as beneficial, although Mexicans and Brazilians are divided on this issue. And in Brazil, which counts China as its largest trading partner, attitudes have shifted since 2011, when 53% said China was having a positive effect on the Brazilian economy. Today, it’s just 39%. And a clear exception in the region is Colombia, where a 45% plurality sees China’s economic advances in a negative light.

As they have in previous surveys, Africans continue to embrace China’s economic growth. China has invested heavily in the region in recent years, and two-thirds or more in Kenya, Uganda, Senegal, Nigeria and Tanzania describe China’s economic influence in positive terms, as do about half of Ghanaians. Once again, South Africans express more divided views about China than do others in the region.

China and Individual Rights

For years, China’s human rights record has been the subject of tremendous controversy, and in this year’s poll the Communist Party government receives mixed reviews for how it treats its own citizens. Across the nations surveyed, a median of 36% say the Chinese government respects the personal freedoms of its people, while 39% say it does not.

In the U.S. and the EU, however, there is a clear consensus on this issue – large majorities believe Beijing does not respect personal liberties, including more than eight-in-ten in Germany, France, Italy and Spain. And 78% of Americans agree.

Broad majorities say China does not respect personal freedoms in the two most economically advanced Asian nations surveyed, Japan and South Korea. Half of Filipinos also hold this view. Elsewhere in the region, however, China receives higher ratings on this issue. Half or more in Bangladesh, Malaysia, Thailand, Pakistan and Indonesia say China respects its people’s rights.

China also receives mostly positive marks on this question in Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, Tunisia and Jordan. Egyptians and Turks are divided, while nearly seven-in-ten Israelis believe the Chinese government does not respect personal freedoms.

Many Latin Americans do not have an opinion about this issue, although in many of the nine countries polled in the region public opinion leans toward the view that China does not respect individual rights.

In Africa many do not offer an opinion, although on balance in most of the African nations surveyed publics tend to believe that Beijing respects personal freedoms.

Opinions about Xi Jinping

Chinese President Xi Jinping, who has been in office for a little over one year, so far has failed to make a strong positive impression on global publics. Overall, ratings for Xi are more negative than positive, while at the same time many are unfamiliar with the Chinese leader.

However, Xi is viewed favorably in several neighboring countries. Half or more of publics in South Korea, Bangladesh, Malaysia and Thailand say they have confidence in him to do the right thing in world affairs. And roughly nine-in-ten (92%) hold this view in China itself.

But he is far from universally embraced in the region. For instance, an overwhelming 87% of Japanese say they have little or no confidence in him to do the right thing in world affairs. And a 47% plurality of Filipinos agrees.

The Chinese leader gets mostly poor reviews in the West. Nearly six-in-ten Americans (58%) lack confidence in Xi, as do most in Spain, Italy, Poland, Germany, France and Greece.

Xi’s ratings are largely negative in the Middle East, especially in Israel and Turkey. Many in Latin America and Africa do not have an opinion about the new Chinese leader, but among those who do, Xi receives largely negative reviews in Latin America, while Africans give him mostly favorable marks.

With a strong economy and steady increases in its military budget, China has seen its stature grow in the eyes of the global public. Majorities or pluralities in most countries now believe China either has surpassed or will in the future surpass the U.S. as the world’s leading superpower. And in the past six years, China’s perceived stature relative to the U.S. has grown.

Despite this, in the 44 countries surveyed in spring 2014, more still say that the U.S. – rather than China – is the world’s leading economy today. This sentiment is highest in the region where China is most dominant: Asia. Meanwhile, some of America’s closest allies in Europe think China is now the top economy. And America’s perceived position as the leading economy has declined since 2008 in most of the countries surveyed at both times.

Will China Replace U.S. as Superpower?

Overall, a median of 49% across the 44 countries surveyed say that China will replace or has already replaced the U.S. as the world’s leading superpower. A median of 34% across those same countries say China will never replace the U.S.

The countries of the EU are the most convinced that China will overtake or has already overtaken America. A median of 60% across the seven European countries surveyed say this is the case, with only one-third saying that the U.S. will never be replaced.

In the Middle East, Latin America and Africa, more say that China will replace or has replaced the U.S. than believe this will never happen. In Asia, nations are more divided in their opinion. Across the 11 Asian countries surveyed, including China, a median of 42% say China will someday be number one, while 36% think the U.S. is destined to remain the top world power.

In 26 of 44 countries, majorities or pluralities say that the U.S. has seen or will see the end of its reign as the sole superpower. In only five countries do people say the U.S. will never be replaced by China.

While most claim that the U.S. will one day be surpassed, in no country do more than three-in-ten say that the U.S. has already been replaced by China. But the trajectory in global public opinion is clear.

Countries that are considered some of America’s closest European friends are the most convinced that the U.S. will be or has been replaced by China in the world’s top spot. This includes six-in-ten or more in Spain (67%), the UK (62%), France (61%) and Germany (60%).

The Chinese are confident they will someday supplant the U.S. (50% say this, with an additional 9% claiming it has already occurred), but Americans are split. About half say the U.S. will be surpassed by China (49%), with an almost equal number (45%) saying it will never happen.

Republicans (56%) and independents (55%) are more likely than Democrats (43%) to believe China will replace or has replaced the U.S.

Many nations that are convinced that the U.S. will remain on top tend to have strong anti-China views (see Chapter 2). Around three-quarters in the Philippines (74%), and roughly two-thirds in Japan (69%) and Vietnam (69%), say that China will never replace the U.S. as the world’s leading superpower.

In the past six years, there has been a shift toward China as the perceived superpower. Across 20 countries surveyed in both 2008 and 2014, a median of 41% in 2008 said that China will replace or has already replaced the U.S. as sole superpower, with an almost equal share (39%) saying China will never replace the U.S. But in 2014, half say China is or will be the world’s leading power, with just 32% saying China will never replace America.

World’s Leading Economic Power

Across the 44 countries surveyed, a median of 45% say that the U.S. is the world’s leading economic power, while 29% name China. A median of 7% say Japan is the world’s leading economy, with 6% naming the European Union and 12% saying another country, none, or not offering an opinion.

As of 2013, the U.S. was still nominally the largest single country economy in terms of gross domestic product (GDP), but China has been rapidly gaining and is now the world’s second-largest economy, having surpassed Japan. In terms of purchasing power parity (PPP), China is on the verge of surpassing the U.S. in overall economic strength. Still, much of China’s economic capacity is tied to its enormous population (1.35 billion) and in terms of GDP per capita, it lags behind the U.S., Japan and most countries within the EU.

Regionally, those in Asia, Africa and Latin America are most likely to name the U.S. as the leading economy. This includes medians of 55% across Asia, 48% across Africa and 46% across Latin America. In each of these regions, only about a quarter say China is the top economy.

Middle Easterners are divided, with a median of 41% saying the U.S. is the number one economy and 39% choosing China. In Europe, a median of about half pick China (49%) while only 37% say the U.S. is the world’s leading economy.

In 30 of the 44 countries, majorities or pluralities choose the U.S. as the top economy. Only in seven nations do people say China is the world’s leading economy.

The countries whose publics are most likely to say that the U.S. is the number one economy are the Philippines (68%), Bangladesh (62%), Israel (62%), El Salvador (60%) and South Korea (60%). These countries tend to have positive views of America (see Chapter 1).

Even among certain countries that perceive the U.S. negatively, such as Turkey and Greece, the U.S. is still seen as the top economy.

In China itself, a majority says the U.S. is the world’s leading economy, with only a quarter saying China is. Americans are divided, with 40% saying the U.S. is the leading economy and 41% naming China.

Four of the seven EU countries surveyed, and some of America’s largest trade partners, see China as the supreme economic power. This includes roughly half in France (51%), Germany (49%), Spain (49%) and the UK (49%). But countries with more negative opinions of the U.S., such as Jordan (47%) and the Palestinian territories (46%), also see China as the globe’s economic leader.

In the last six years, across the 20 countries surveyed in both 2008 and 2014, the perceived economic balance of power has shifted dramatically. In 2008, just months before the onset of the Great Recession, a median of 49% across 20 countries said America was the leading global economic power, with only 19% picking China. Six years later, 40% say the U.S. is the top economy while 31% say China.

Asia is a sprawling continent with a long, contentious history. The region is dotted with territorial disputes, many deeply rooted in the past. As these frictions have waxed and waned, public sentiment has ebbed and flowed. One time allies have become enemies and vice versa. Alliances have come and gone.

China is viewed throughout the region both with favor as a nation and with concern about its territorial ambitions. Japan is also quite popular, at least outside of northeast Asia. And its leader, Shinzo Abe, inspires confidence in his handling of world affairs in many Asian countries, at least among those who have heard of him.

The poll shows Asians with quite disparate opinions about each other. Half or more in seven of 10 Asian countries surveyed express a favorable view of Japan, while majorities in six of 10 say this about China. Opinions about India vary considerably, ranging from 70% positive in Bangladesh to 13% in Pakistan. Fellow Asians take a fairly critical perspective on Pakistan – there is no country other than Indonesia in which a clear plurality gives Pakistan a positive rating. This includes China, where only 30% have a favorable opinion of Islamabad, a major Beijing ally. Meanwhile, Pakistan is the only Asian nation polled in which less than half see the United States favorably.

There are few fans of China in either Japan (7% favorable view of China) or in Vietnam (16%), where recent territorial disputes have rekindled old animosities. At the same time, just 8% of Chinese like Japan, a distaste that also has its roots in history. And there is no love lost in India for Pakistan; only 15% of Indians voice a positive opinion of Islamabad.

China’s strongest supporters are Pakistanis (78%) and Bangladeshis (77%). India gets its most favorable ratings from Bangladeshis (70%) and Vietnamese (67%). Japan’s highest favorability is among Thais (81%) and Filipinos (80%). Pakistan’s best friends are Indonesians (52%) and Bangladeshis (50%), fellow Muslim-majority countries.

Of the four Asian nations asked about, Americans are most favorable toward Japan (70%) and India (55%). Only 35% in the U.S. have a positive view of China and even less see Pakistan (18%) in a favorable light.

Allies and Threats

Whatever feelings Asians harbor about each other, most are likely to view the United States as the country they can rely on as a dependable ally in the future. Publics in eight of 11 Asian nations surveyed – including South Korea (68%)Japan (62%) and India (33%) – pick Uncle Sam as their number one international partner. In Vietnam, where America fought a prolonged war in the 1960s and 70s, Washington is now at the top of the list of reliable allies (30%). Notably, Malaysians (27%) and Pakistanis (57%) name Beijing most often as their foremost ally. And the Chinese (25%) view Russia as their most trusted partner.

The Asian public’s threat perception is more diffuse. Pakistanis (38%), Chinese (36%), Malaysians (26%) and Indonesians (25%) see the U.S. as the greatest danger to their nation (although the Indonesians also cite Washington as their strongest ally). Vietnamese (74%), Japanese (68%) and Filipinos (58%) view China as a threat. South Koreans (36%) voice such concern about North Korea. Bangladeshis (27%) are wary of India. Indians (45%), for their part, do not trust Pakistan.

China’s Neighbors Quite Wary

Asians’ concerns about China reflect the fact that, as Asia’s largest economic and military power sitting at the center of the region, Beijing has territorial disputes with many of its neighbors. There is widespread concern among publics in East, Southeast and South Asia that these frictions could lead to military conflict. And that apprehension is shared by many Americans.

China’s territorial rows stretch around much of its periphery. The most prominent of these is with longtime adversary Japan, over what Tokyo calls the Senkaku Islands and Beijing terms the Diaoyu Islands, small uninhabited islands in the East China Sea. In addition, the Philippines and China are embroiled in a standoff over the Scarborough Shoal in the South China Sea. Vietnam disputes China’s oil drilling off the Paracel Islands off Vietnam’s coast. And Beijing claims that the northeastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, which the two nations battled over in the 1962 Sino-Indian war, actually belongs to China.

In a 2013 Pew Research survey, strong majorities in the Philippines (90%), Japan (82%), South Korea (77%) and Indonesia (62%) said that territorial disputes with China were a big problem for their country. And nearly all Japanese (96%) and South Koreans (91%), and a majority of Filipinos (68%), thought China’s expanding military capabilities were bad for their country.

In the 2014 Pew Research poll, majorities in eight of the 11 Asian countries surveyed are worried that China’s territorial ambitions could lead to military conflict with its neighbors. In a number of the nations closest to China, overwhelming proportions of the public expressed such fears, including 93% of Filipinos, 85% of Japanese, 84% of Vietnamese and 83% of South Koreans. Moreover, 61% of the public in the Philippines and 51% in Vietnam say they are very concerned about a possible military confrontation with Beijing. And, in China itself, fully 62% are concerned about a possible conflict.

Less troubled about a possible conflict are the Indonesians (52%) and the Thais (50%). Neither nation shares a border with China. Pakistanis (49%), who have an overwhelmingly favorable view of China and close economic and strategic ties with Beijing, also express less concern that China’s ambitions could lead to war. But Pakistanis are also the most likely among those surveyed to express no opinion on potential border clashes with China (33% offer no opinion).

Americans watch all this Asian regional territorial tension with a wary eye. The United States has a long-standing security alliance with Japan, a new military pact with the Philippines, a budding economic relationship with Vietnam and a long-term interest in improving strategic ties with India. With such equities in Asian stability, two-thirds of Americans (67%) are concerned that territorial disputes with China’s neighbors could lead to military conflict.

Japan’s Trusted Prime Minister

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who had served as his nation’s leader for a year from 2006 to 2007, became only the second person since World War II to return to that office for a second stint in power when he was chosen to head the country again in December 2012. A year-and-a-half into his second term, he remains popular with his own people and with many other publics in Asia.

Nearly six-in-ten Japanese (58%) express the view that they have a lot or some confidence in Abe to do the right thing regarding world affairs. An identical proportion of his own people held such sentiment in 2007, when Abe was last in office, according to a Pew Research survey at the time.

Abe is also quite well respected in a number of other Asian countries, with half or more in five of 10 trusting him in world affairs. Nearly two-thirds of Vietnamese (65%) have confidence in his leadership, as do more than half of Malaysians (57%), Bangladeshis (56%), Filipinos (55%) and Thais (53%).

About half of Americans (49%) say they are confident in Abe’s international leadership. Roughly one-in-three in the United States (35%) have no confidence in him.

The Chinese and South Koreans hold a particularly negative opinion of the Japanese leader. Both publics say Japan has not apologized enough for World War II, according to the 2013 Pew Research Center survey. Moreover, Abe and members of his cabinet have on several occasions visited the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, which commemorates Japanese war dead, including some Class A war criminals from World War II. This has particularly incensed governments in both Beijing and Seoul. It apparently also does not sit well with their citizens. Just 5% of South Koreans and 15% of Chinese have confidence in Abe’s leadership in world affairs. Most South Koreans (94%) and seven-in-ten Chinese have no confidence in him.

The Japanese prime minister is largely unknown in much of South Asia. More than six-in-ten Indians (64%) and almost as many Pakistanis (62%) have no opinion of Abe. Just 25% of Pakistanis and 21% of Indians say they have confidence in him doing the right thing regarding international issues.

About the 2014 Spring Pew Global Attitudes Survey

Results for the survey are based on telephone and face-to-face interviews conducted under the direction of Princeton Survey Research Associates International. Survey results are based on national samples. For further details on sample designs, see below.

The descriptions below show the margin of sampling error based on all interviews conducted in that country. For results based on the full sample in a given country, one can say with 95% confidence that the error attributable to sampling and other random effects is plus or minus the margin of error. In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.